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American reluctance to join the International Criminal Court
illuminates important trends in international security and a
central dilemma facing U.S. Foreign policy in the 21st century. The
ICC will prosecute individuals who commit egregious international
human rights violations such as genocide. The Court is a logical
culmination of the global trends toward expanding human rights and
creating international institutions. The U.S., which fostered these
trends because they served American national interests, initially
championed the creation of an ICC. The Court fundamentally
represents the triumph of American values in the international
arena. Yet the United States now opposes the ICC for fear of
constraints upon America's ability to use force to protect its
national interests. The principal national security and
constitutional objections to the Court, which the volume explores
in detail, inflate the potential risks inherent in joining the ICC.
More fundamentally, they reflect a belief in American
exceptionalism that is unsustainable in today's world. Court
opponents also underestimate the growing salience of international
norms and institutions in addressing emerging threats to U.S.
national interests. The misguided assessments that buttress
opposition to the ICC threaten to undermine American leadership and
security in the 21st century more gravely than could any
international institution.
The growth of American universities has outstripped private
resources and forced them to rely increasingly on public funds,
especially federal funds. Carl Kaysen asserts that the basis on
which the growing public support has been given in recent years
does not correspond to what the universities are actually doing,
and he surmises that the nature of our governmental processes is
such that a discrepancy of this sort cannot long persist. He
examines the justification for public support of science and
learning and he considers the intellectual and political limits of
these justifications. Are they right? To whom do they appeal, and
how powerfully? Originally published in 1969. The Princeton Legacy
Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make
available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished
backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the
original texts of these important books while presenting them in
durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton
Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly
heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton
University Press since its founding in 1905.
The growth of American universities has outstripped private
resources and forced them to rely increasingly on public funds,
especially federal funds. Carl Kaysen asserts that the basis on
which the growing public support has been given in recent years
does not correspond to what the universities are actually doing,
and he surmises that the nature of our governmental processes is
such that a discrepancy of this sort cannot long persist. He
examines the justification for public support of science and
learning and he considers the intellectual and political limits of
these justifications. Are they right? To whom do they appeal, and
how powerfully? Originally published in 1969. The Princeton Legacy
Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make
available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished
backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the
original texts of these important books while presenting them in
durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton
Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly
heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton
University Press since its founding in 1905.
American reluctance to join the International Criminal Court
illuminates important trends in international security and a
central dilemma facing U.S. Foreign policy in the 21st century. The
ICC will prosecute individuals who commit egregious international
human rights violations such as genocide. The Court is a logical
culmination of the global trends toward expanding human rights and
creating international institutions. The U.S., which fostered these
trends because they served American national interests, initially
championed the creation of an ICC. The Court fundamentally
represents the triumph of American values in the international
arena. Yet the United States now opposes the ICC for fear of
constraints upon America's ability to use force to protect its
national interests. The principal national security and
constitutional objections to the Court, which the volume explores
in detail, inflate the potential risks inherent in joining the ICC.
More fundamentally, they reflect a belief in American
exceptionalism that is unsustainable in today's world. Court
opponents also underestimate the growing salience of international
norms and institutions in addressing emerging threats to U.S.
national interests. The misguided assessments that buttress
opposition to the ICC threaten to undermine American leadership and
security in the 21st century more gravely than could any
international institution.
Not since Edward Mason's classic book The Corporation in Modern
Society appeared in 1959 has anyone compiled an authoritative
overview of the American business firm. Such a survey is now
clearly overdue, for in the last thirty years both the corporation
and the business environment has changed radically. In The American
Corporation Today, Carl Kaysen and other leading students of
business and markets from around the country provide a much-needed
analysis of American corporate life at the end of the century.
Here is the American corporation from every angle--its postwar
history, its relation to the law, its financing, its impact on
technological innovation, its role as employer and as political
force, and much more. The contributors--all of whom are recognized
experts in their fields--not only tackle many of the same key areas
that the contributors to Mason's classic study looked at, but they
also illuminate issues that have only arisen in recent years. For
instance, Raymond Vernon describes the increasing globalization of
American business, where the net income from operations outside the
U.S. is now nearly half of that from domestic operations (as
opposed to one-tenth in the 1950s). James Q. Wilson traces how the
corporation has become a full-time political actor, showing how it
reinvented its political strategy and tactics in the 1960s in the
face of a wave of new consumer, environmental, and worker health
legislation. Gregory Acs and Eugene Steuerle show how the
corporation promotes the commonweal, acting as agent for the
employee in purchasing pension, health, and other welfare benefit
plans, while Lester Thurow casts a critical eye at the decline of
median real wages of American males over the last twenty years
(never before have a majority of American workers suffered real
wage reductions while the real per capita gross domestic product
was increasing). In other pieces, corporate finance experts Charles
Calomiris and Carlos Ramirez advocate removing legal constraints on
financial institutions that prevent them from providing the full
range of business financing from short-term debt to equity, Michael
Useem looks at the rise of education and training as a vexing
corporate issue, and Barbara Bergmann discusses the increasingly
diverse work force, arguing that ending bias is in the
corporation's best interest. And finally Neil Harris provides a
fascinating discussion of architecture, exploring how companies
have become the principle patrons of important architecture since
the 1950s.
Vital to everyone concerned with American big business today, this
collection is sure to become the new standard upon which future
studies of the corporation will be built.
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