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Bendersky provides the only English-language translation of one
of Carl Schmitt's most controversial works. At the time of its
publication in 1934 and during the war and the post-war years, the
treatise was seen as a rationalization of the Nazi legal order.
With the renaissance of Schmitt studies beginning in the 1980s, the
man and his work, and this volume in particular, was reinterpreted.
While some maintained that it was a foundation of Nazi legal theory
and practice, others see it as a failed attempt at a conservative
counterweight to the most extreme tendencies in National Socialism.
Most see it in the context of Schmitt's intellectual growth and the
challenges of the era.
An extended introduction and notes trace out the development of
Schmitt's ideas as well as the various interpretations ehat have
emerged to explain his work. Given the importance of Schmitt's
ideas in modern political and judicial thought as well as its
impact on constitution making, this translation will make this
significant volume accessible to a wider readership of students and
scholars of twentieth century political and legal theory.
A pioneer in legal and political theory, Schmitt traces the
prehistory of political romanticism by examining its relationship
to revolutionary and reactionary tendencies in modern European
history. Both the partisans of the French Revolution and its most
embittered enemies were numbered among the romantics. During the
movement for German national unity at the beginning of the
nineteenth century, both revolutionaries and reactionaries counted
themselves as romantics. According to Schmitt, the use of the
concept to designate opposed political positions results from the
character of political romanticism: its unpredictable quality and
lack of commitment to any substantive political position. The
romantic person acts in such a way that his imagination can be
affected. He acts insofar as he is moved. Thus an action is not a
performance or something one does, but rather an affect or a mood,
something one feels. The product of an action is not a result that
can be evaluated according to moral standards, but rather an
emotional experience that can be judged only in aesthetic and
emotive terms. These observations lead Schmitt to a profound
reflection on the shortcomings of liberal politics. Apart from the
liberal rule of law and its institution of an autonomous private
sphere, the romantic inner sanctum of purely personal experience
could not exist. Without the security of the private realm, the
romantic imagination would be subject to unpredictable incursions.
Only in a bourgeois world can the individual become both absolutely
sovereign and thoroughly privatized: a master builder in the
cathedral of his personality. An adequate political order cannot be
maintained on such a tolerant individualism, concludes Schmitt.
A pioneer in legal and political theory, Schmitt traces the
prehistory of political romanticism by examining its relationship
to revolutionary and reactionary tendencies in modern European
history. Both the partisans of the French Revolution and its most
embittered enemies were numbered among the romantics. During the
movement for German national unity at the beginning of the
nineteenth century, both revolutionaries and reactionaries counted
themselves as romantics. According to Schmitt, the use of the
concept to designate opposed political positions results from the
character of political romanticism: its unpredictable quality and
lack of commitment to any substantive political position. The
romantic person acts in such a way that his imagination can be
affected. He acts insofar as he is moved. Thus an action is not a
performance or something one does, but rather an affect or a mood,
something one feels. The product of an action is not a result that
can be evaluated according to moral standards, but rather an
emotional experience that can be judged only in aesthetic and
emotive terms. These observations lead Schmitt to a profound
reflection on the shortcomings of liberal politics. Apart from the
liberal rule of law and its institution of an autonomous private
sphere, the romantic inner sanctum of purely personal experience
could not exist. Without the security of the private realm, the
romantic imagination would be subject to unpredictable incursions.
Only in a bourgeois world can the individual become both absolutely
sovereign and thoroughly privatized: a master builder in the
cathedral of his personality. An adequate political order cannot be
maintained on such a tolerant individualism, concludes Schmitt.
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Writings on War (Hardcover)
Carl Schmitt; Translated by Timothy Nunan
bundle available
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R1,907
Discovery Miles 19 070
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Ships in 12 - 17 working days
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"Writings on War "collects three of Carl Schmitt's most important
and controversial texts, here appearing in English for the first
time: "The Turn to the Discriminating Concept of War," "The Groraum
Order of International Law," and "The International Crime of the
War of Aggression and the Principle "Nullum crimen, nulla poena
sine lege"."
Written between 1937 and 1945, these works articulate Schmitt's
concerns throughout this period of war and crisis, addressing the
major failings of the League of Nations, and presenting Schmitt's
own conceptual history of these years of disaster for international
jurisprudence. For Schmitt, the jurisprudence of Versailles and
Nuremberg both fail to provide for a stable international system,
insofar as they attempt to impose universal standards of 'humanity'
on a heterogeneous world, and treat efforts to revise the status
quo as 'criminal' acts of war. In place of these flawed systems,
Schmitt argues for a new planetary order in which neither
collective security organizations nor 19th century empires, but
Schmittian 'Reichs' will be the leading subject of international
law.
Writings on War will be essential reading for those seeking to
understand the work of Carl Schmitt, the history of international
law and the international system, and interwar European history.
Not only do these writings offer an erudite point of entry into the
dynamic and charged world of interwar European jurisprudence; they
also speak with prescience to a 21st century world struggling with
similar issues of global governance and international law.
In this, his most influential work, legal theorist and political
philosopher Carl Schmitt argues that liberalism's basis in
individual rights cannot provide a reasonable justification for
sacrificing oneself for the state--a critique as cogent today as
when it first appeared. George Schwab's introduction to his
translation of the 1932 German edition highlights Schmitt's
intellectual journey through the turbulent period of German history
leading to the Hitlerian one-party state. In addition to analysis
by Leo Strauss and a foreword by Tracy B. Strong placing Schmitt's
work into contemporary context, this expanded edition also includes
a translation of Schmitt's 1929 lecture "The Age of Neutralizations
and Depoliticizations," which the author himself added to the 1932
edition of the book. An essential update on a modern classic, "The
Concept of the Political, Expanded Edition" belongs on the
bookshelf of anyone interested in political theory or
philosophy.
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Writings on War (Paperback)
Carl Schmitt; Translated by Timothy Nunan
bundle available
|
R561
Discovery Miles 5 610
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Ships in 12 - 17 working days
|
Writings on War collects three of Carl Schmitt's most important and
controversial texts, here appearing in English for the first time:
The Turn to the Discriminating Concept of War, The Grossraum Order
of International Law, and The International Crime of the War of
Aggression and the Principle "Nullum crimen, nulla poena sine
lege". Written between 1937 and 1945, these works articulate
Schmitt's concerns throughout this period of war and crisis,
addressing the major failings of the League of Nations, and
presenting Schmitt's own conceptual history of these years of
disaster for international jurisprudence. For Schmitt, the
jurisprudence of Versailles and Nuremberg both fail to provide for
a stable international system, insofar as they attempt to impose
universal standards of 'humanity' on a heterogeneous world, and
treat efforts to revise the status quo as 'criminal' acts of war.
In place of these flawed systems, Schmitt argues for a new
planetary order in which neither collective security organizations
nor 19th century empires, but Schmittian 'Reichs' will be the
leading subject of international law. Writings on War will be
essential reading for those seeking to understand the work of Carl
Schmitt, the history of international law and the international
system, and interwar European history. Not only do these writings
offer an erudite point of entry into the dynamic and charged world
of interwar European jurisprudence; they also speak with prescience
to a 21st century world struggling with similar issues of global
governance and international law.
Written in the intense political and intellectual tumult of the
early years of the Weimar Republic, "Political Theology" develops
the distinctive theory of sovereignty that made Carl Schmitt one of
the most significant and controversial political theorists of the
twentieth century.
Focusing on the relationships among political leadership, the norms
of the legal order, and the state of political emergency, Schmitt
argues in "Political Theology" that legal order ultimately rests
upon the decisions of the sovereign. According to Schmitt, only the
sovereign can meet the needs of an "exceptional" time and transcend
legal order so that order can then be reestablished. Convinced that
the state is governed by the ever-present possibility of conflict,
Schmitt theorizes that the state exists only to maintain its
integrity in order to ensure order and stability. Suggesting that
all concepts of modern political thought are secularized
theological concepts, Schmitt concludes "Political Theology" with a
critique of liberalism and its attempt to depoliticize political
thought by avoiding fundamental political decisions.
Carl Schmitt's magnum opus, Constitutional Theory, was originally
published in 1928 and has been in print in German ever since. This
volume makes Schmitt's masterpiece of comparative constitutionalism
available to English-language readers for the first time. Schmitt
is considered by many to be one of the most original-and, because
of his collaboration with the Nazi party, controversial-political
thinkers of the twentieth century. In Constitutional Theory,
Schmitt provides a highly distinctive and provocative
interpretation of the Weimar Constitution. At the center of this
interpretation lies his famous argument that the legitimacy of a
constitution depends on a sovereign decision of the people. In
addition to being subject to long-standing debate among legal and
political theorists in Western Europe and the United States, this
theory of constitution-making as decision has profoundly influenced
constitutional theorists and designers in Asia, Latin America, and
Eastern Europe. Constitutional Theory is a significant departure
from Schmitt's more polemical Weimar-era works not just in terms of
its moderate tone. Through a comparative history of constitutional
government in Europe and the United States, Schmitt develops an
understanding of liberal constitutionalism that makes room for a
strong, independent state. This edition includes an introduction by
Jeffrey Seitzer and Christopher Thornhill outlining the cultural,
intellectual, and political contexts in which Schmitt wrote
Constitutional Theory; they point out what is distinctive about the
work, examine its reception in the postwar era, and consider its
larger theoretical ramifications. This volume also contains
extensive editorial notes and a translation of the Weimar
Constitution.
The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy offers a powerful criticism
of the inconsistencies of representative democracy. Described both
as "the Hobbes of our age" and as "the philosophical godfather of
Nazism," Carl Schmitt was a brilliant and controversial political
theorist whose doctrine of political leadership and critique of
liberal democratic ideals distinguish him as one of the most
original contributors to modern political theory. The Crisis of
Parliamentary Democracy offers a powerful criticism of the
inconsistencies of representative democracy. First published in
1923, it has often been viewed as an attempt to destroy
parliamentarism; in fact, it was Schmitt's attempt to defend the
Weimar constitution. The introduction to this new translation
places the book in proper historical context and provides a useful
guide to several aspects of Weimar political culture. The Crisis of
Parliamentary Democracy is included in the series Studies in
Contemporary German Social Thought, edited by Thomas McCarthy.
One of the most significant political philosophers of the twentieth
century, Carl Schmitt is a deeply controversial figure who has been
labeled both Nazi sympathizer and modern-day Thomas Hobbes. First
published in 1938, "The Leviathan in the State Theory of Thomas
Hobbes "used the Enlightenment philosopher's enduring symbol of the
protective Leviathan to address the nature of modern statehood. A
work that predicted the demise of the Third Reich and that still
holds relevance in today's security-obsessed society, this volume
will be essential reading for students and scholars of political
science.
"Carl Schmitt is surely the most controversial German political and
legal philosopher of this century. . . . We deal with Schmitt,
against all odds, because history stubbornly persists in proving
many of his tenets right."--"Perspectives on Political
Science"
" "
" A] significant contribution. . . . The relation between Hobbes
and Schmitt is one of the most important questions surrounding
Schmitt: it includes a distinct, though occasionally vacillating,
personal identification as well as an association of
ideas."--"Telos"""
Carl Schmitt ranks among the most original and controversial
political thinkers of the twentieth century. His incisive
criticisms of Enlightenment political thought and liberal political
practice remain as shocking and significant today as when they
first appeared in Weimar Germany. Unavailable in English until now,
Legality and Legitimacy was composed in 1932, in the midst of the
crisis that would lead to the collapse of the Weimar Republic and
only a matter of months before Schmitt’s collaboration with the
Nazis. In this important work, Schmitt questions the political
viability of liberal constitutionalism, parliamentary government,
and the rule of law. Liberal governments, he argues, cannot respond
effectively to challenges by radical groups like the Nazis or
Communists. Only a presidential regime subject to few, if any,
practical limitations can ensure domestic security in a highly
pluralistic society.Legality and Legitimacy is sure to provide a
compelling reference point in contemporary debates over the
challenges facing constitutional democracies today. In addition to
Jeffrey Seitzer’s translation of the 1932 text itself, this
volume contains his translation of Schmitt’s 1958 commentary on
the work, extensive explanatory notes, and an appendix including
selected articles of the Weimar constitution. John P. McCormick’s
introduction places Legality and Legitimacy in its historical
context, clarifies some of the intricacies of the argument, and
ultimately contests Schmitt’s claims regarding the inherent
weakness of parliamentarism, constitutionalism, and the rule of
law.
This is a reproduction of a book published before 1923. This book
may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages,
poor pictures, errant marks, etc. that were either part of the
original artifact, or were introduced by the scanning process. We
believe this work is culturally important, and despite the
imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of
our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works
worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in
the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book.
++++ The below data was compiled from various identification fields
in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as
an additional tool in helping to ensure edition identification:
++++ Lateinische Vorschule: Nach Seiner Lateinische
Parallelgrammatik Bearbeitet Von Johann Carl Schmitt-Blank Johann
Carl Schmitt-Blank L�ffler, 1870
Introduction To The Necessity Of Politics By Christopher Dawson.
Carl Schmitt (1888-1985), the author of such books as Political
Theology and The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy (both published
in English by The MIT Press), was one of the leading political and
legal theorists of the twentieth century. His critical discussions
of liberal democratic ideals and institutions continue to arouse
controversy, but even his opponents concede his uncanny sense for
the basic problems of modern politics. Political Romanticism is a
historical study that, like all of Schmitt's major works, offers a
fundamental political critique. In it, he defends a concept of
political action based on notions of good and evil, justice and
injustice, and attacks the political passivity entailed by the
romanticization of experience. The book has three strands. The
first is an attack on received notions of the origins of the
Romantic Movement. Schmitt argues that this movement represents a
secularization, subjectification, and privatization in which God is
replaced by the emancipated, private individual of the bourgeois
social order. The second is an assault on political romanticism
that includes a broader attack on the new European bourgeoisie,
which Schmitt characterizes as the historical bearer of the
movement. The third strand is a defense of political conservatism
and a refutation of the view that political romanticism is
intrinsically linked with romanticism. Here Schmitt argues that the
political romantic is tied not to positions but to aesthetics, and
can therefore as easily become a Danton as a Frederick the Great.
Guy Oakes's introduction places the book in historical context and
also suggests its continuing relevance through his discussion of
the latest outcropping of political romanticism in the late 1960s,
intriguingly brought out in his example of Norman Mailer as a
political romantic. Political Romanticism is included in the series
Studies in Contemporary German Social Thought, edited by Thomas
McCarthy.
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