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This book examines China's political, economic, and diplomatic
engagement in Africa. The rapid increase of China's economic and
political involvement in Africa is the most momentous development
on the continent of Africa since the beginning of the twenty-first
century. China is now Africa's largest trading partner and the
largest infrastructure financier. Additionally, it is the fastest
growing economy and source of foreign direct investment. This
monograph seeks to understand the dynamics of the escalating
Chinese investments in African economies and the political
implications of this development for Africa. This work will
interest scholars, students, academics, and policy makers on the
fields of Chinese and African politics, development studies, and
international political economy.
This book examines Sino-African relations and their impact on
Africa. It argues that Africa's relationship with China has had a
profound impact on key sectors in Africa-economic and political
development, the media, infrastructural development, foreign direct
investments, loans, debt peonage, and international relations. The
authors also analyze the imperialist and neo-colonialist
implications of this relationship and discuss the degree to which
the relationship is beneficial to Africa.
The post-1959 Cuban government's engagement with Africa, which was
led by its charismatic and revolutionary leader, Fidel Castro, had
two connecting dimensions: military internationalism and
humanitarian internationalism. While African states and societies
benefited immensely from these engagements, it was Fidel Castro's
military assistance towards the decolonization of and the pushback
of Apartheid South Africa that received the loudest attention and
ovation in the developing world. Fidel Castro, this book argues,
was never motivated by economic, selfish, or geopolitical
considerations; but rather, by the altruism and the certainty of
his worldview and by the historical connection between the peoples
of Cuba and Africa. The principle of international solidary,
socialism, and the emancipation of Africa was a much-desired
aspiration and attainment. Beginning covertly in Algeria in 1961
and the Congo and Guinea-Bissau in 1964; and more conspicuously in
Angola in 1975, Fidel Castro and his socialist government was at
the forefront supporting liberation movements in their struggle
against colonialism. Defining Castro's engagement with Africa was
his support for the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola
(MPLA) against the United States-backed Apartheid South Africa,
which supported the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and
the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA).
This book examines China's political, economic, and diplomatic
engagement in Africa. The rapid increase of China's economic and
political involvement in Africa is the most momentous development
on the continent of Africa since the beginning of the twenty-first
century. China is now Africa's largest trading partner and the
largest infrastructure financier. Additionally, it is the fastest
growing economy and source of foreign direct investment. This
monograph seeks to understand the dynamics of the escalating
Chinese investments in African economies and the political
implications of this development for Africa. This work will
interest scholars, students, academics, and policy makers on the
fields of Chinese and African politics, development studies, and
international political economy.
This book gives a critical analysis of the World Trade Organization
and developing countries. The author questions whether the World
Trade Organization presents any significant trade and development
opportunities for developing countries. She makes an assessment of
the achievements and obstacles in regulating international trade
with respect to developing countries. The effects of liberalization
and globalization policies embodied in the WTO on the developing
countries are analyzed, given such issues as regionalism,
sovereignty, trade imbalances and the political will to implement
policies agreed at the WTO. The author concludes that the World
Trade Organization does not change the status quo of the world
economic order and is still exclusive rather than inclusive. It
largely promotes marginalization rather than integration of
developing countries into "Global trade." The author also further
questions the role of the World Trade Organization as a panacea to
economic development challenges faced by developing countries.
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