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The contention of Film and the American Presidency is that over the
twentieth century the cinema has been a silent partner in setting
the parameters of what we might call the presidential imaginary.
This volume surveys the partnership in its longevity, placing
stress on especially iconic presidents such as Lincoln and FDR. The
contributions to this collection probe the rich interactions
between these high institutions of culture and politics-Hollywood
and the presidency-and argue that not only did Hollywood acting
become an idiom for presidential style, but that Hollywood early on
understood its own identity through the presidency's peculiar mix
of national epic and unified protagonist. Additionally, they
contend that studios often made their films to sway political
outcomes; that the performance of presidential personae has been
constrained by the kinds of bodies (for so long, white and male)
that have occupied the office, such that presidential embodiment
obscures the body politic; and that Hollywood and the presidency
may finally be nothing more than two privileged figures of
media-age power.
The contention of Film and the American Presidency is that over the
twentieth century the cinema has been a silent partner in setting
the parameters of what we might call the presidential imaginary.
This volume surveys the partnership in its longevity, placing
stress on especially iconic presidents such as Lincoln and FDR. The
contributions to this collection probe the rich interactions
between these high institutions of culture and politics-Hollywood
and the presidency-and argue that not only did Hollywood acting
become an idiom for presidential style, but that Hollywood early on
understood its own identity through the presidency's peculiar mix
of national epic and unified protagonist. Additionally, they
contend that studios often made their films to sway political
outcomes; that the performance of presidential personae has been
constrained by the kinds of bodies (for so long, white and male)
that have occupied the office, such that presidential embodiment
obscures the body politic; and that Hollywood and the presidency
may finally be nothing more than two privileged figures of
media-age power.
This is the first sustained critical collection on Albert Brooks,
one of the key but under-examined figures in American stand-up,
television comedy and Hollywood film comedy. Analysing every film
written and directed by Albert Brooks, including Real Life (1979),
Modern Romance (1981) and Lost in America (1985), as well as a
number of his acting and voice-over roles, his stand-up comedy
albums, talk show appearances and writing, the book argues that
Albert Brooks not only merits a wider viewership, both critical and
popular, but also that his career offers a useful lens through
which to understand American film and culture since the late 1960s.
This is the first sustained critical collection on Albert Brooks,
one of the key but under-examined figures in American stand-up,
television comedy and Hollywood film comedy. Analysing every film
written and directed by Albert Brooks, including Real Life (1979),
Modern Romance (1981) and Lost in America (1985), as well as a
number of his acting and voice-over roles, his stand-up comedy
albums, talk show appearances and writing, the book argues that
Albert Brooks not only merits a wider viewership, both critical and
popular, but also that his career offers a useful lens through
which to understand American film and culture since the late 1960s.
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