It is often said that voters hold presidents responsible for two things: the economy and foreign policy. Economic performance is generally beyond presidential control, but foreign policy is defined by the president. The White House is justifiably blamed or credited for how it manages relations with the outside world. How, then, can presidents maximize their chances to achieve successful foreign policies? What kinds of considerations should they bear in mind as they make important decisions for their country? Foreign policy begins with the process of making decisions. This briefing book examines foreign policy decision-making, and offers advice to current and future presidents drawn from fields ranging from political science and history, to psychology and economics. It identifies basic guidelines that presidents should consider when making choices. Such guidelines apply to almost any area of human endeavour, and they are certainly central to choices made in and outside of the Oval Office. When the strong make mistakes, the weak often suffer. As the strongest country in the history of the world, the United States has a special responsibility to run a sagacious foreign policy. This briefing book will benefit students, policy makers, and the general public.

It is often said that voters hold presidents responsible for two things: the economy and foreign policy. Economic performance is generally beyond presidential control, but foreign policy is defined by the president. The White House is justifiably blamed or credited for how it manages relations with the outside world. How, then, can presidents maximize their chances to achieve successful foreign policies? What kinds of considerations should they bear in mind as they make important decisions for their country? Foreign policy begins with the process of making decisions. This briefing book examines foreign policy decision-making, and offers advice to current and future presidents drawn from fields ranging from political science and history, to psychology and economics. It identifies basic guidelines that presidents should consider when making choices. Such guidelines apply to almost any area of human endeavour, and they are certainly central to choices made in and outside of the Oval Office. When the strong make mistakes, the weak often suffer. As the strongest country in the history of the world, the United States has a special responsibility to run a sagacious foreign policy. This briefing book will benefit students, policy makers, and the general public.

What horrors will the twenty-first century bring? For many people, a clash of civilizations and a perilous return to great power rivalries are the dominant visions of things to come. Fueled by daily headlines, overwhelming majorities of people from all walks of life consider the world to be a far more chaotic, frightening, and ultimately more dangerous place than ever before. Christopher J. Fettweis argues that these impressions, however widespread, are wrong. "Dangerous Times?" is an examination of international politics that reveals both theoretical logic and empirical data that support the vision of a future where wars between great powers are unlikely and transnational threats can be contained. Despite popular perception, today a far greater percentage of the world's population lives in peace than at any time in history, and the number and intensity of all types of warfare have dropped steadily since the early 1990s. Terrorism, though reprehensible, can be combated and can actually increase international cooperation among states fighting a common threat. World wars like those of the twentieth century-the true clash of civilizations-are unlikely to be repeated in the close-knit world of the twenty-first century. In this sharp and insightful book, Fettweis discusses this revolution in human history and its ramifications for international relations theory. He suggests a new vision for a more restrained U.S. grand strategy and foreign policy and reveals how, despite pessimistic perceptions to the contrary, the world is more likely entering a golden age of peace and security.

The foreign policy of the United States is guided by deeply held beliefs, few of which are recognized much less subjected to rational analysis, Christopher J. Fettweis writes, in this, his third book. He identifies the foundations of those beliefs - fear, honor, glory and hubris - and explains how they have inspired poor strategic decisions in Washington. He then proceeds to discuss their origins. The author analyzes recent foreign policy mistakes, including the Bay of Pigs, the Vietnam War, and the Iraq War, and he considers the decision-making process behind them, as well as the beliefs inspiring those decisions. The American government's strategic performance, Professor Fettweis argues, can be improved if these pathological beliefs are recognized and eliminated.

The new world order as it stood after the apparent end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR was greeted with enthusiasm and optimism almost everywhere, but especially in the West. Less than a quarter century later that optimism has faded dramatically, with the rise of populism, nationalism, religious extremism and civil discord disrupting political and social norms around the world. This book reveals the extent to which events that began as internal political crises in Europe, the Middle East and the USA have sent ripple effects reaching into all points of the globe. The projection of liberal democratic predominance in the 1990s, has faded as illiberal governance gains support worldwide. Long-standing international trade patterns are disrupted, perhaps permanently, by the weaponization of economic sanctions, real and perceived threats of terrorism raise levels of anxiety everywhere, and severe new weather patterns inflict floods, fires, drought and hurricanes on populations unused to such extremes. This book describes and analyses many of these phenomena in the hope that better understanding of them may help ameliorate their consequences.

A sweeping yet concise account of history's empires that managed to maintain dominance for long stretches. What should the United States do with its power? What goals should it have, and how should it pursue them? Ultimately, what do Americans want their country to be? These are questions of grand strategy. The United States is the most powerful actor in the international system, but it is facing a set of challenges that might lead to its decline as this century unfolds. In The Pursuit of Dominance, Christopher J. Fettweis examines the grand strategy of previous superpowers to see how they maintained, or failed to maintain, their status. Over the course of six cases, from Ancient Rome to the British Empire, he seeks guidance from the past for present US policymakers. Like the United States, the examples Fettweis uses were the world' strongest powers at particularly moments in time, and they were hoping to stay that way. Rather than focusing on those powers' rise or how they ruled, however, Fettweis looks at how they sought to maintain their power. From these cases, one paramount lesson becomes clear: Dominant powers usually survive even the most incompetent leaders. Fettweis is most interested in how these superpowers defined their interests, the grand strategies these regimes followed to maintain superiority over their rivals, and how the practice of that strategy worked. A sweeping history of grand strategy, The Pursuit of Dominance looks at the past 2,000 years to highlight what-if anything-current US strategists can learn from the experience of earlier superpowers.

The foreign policy of the United States is guided by deeply held beliefs, few of which are recognized much less subjected to rational analysis, Christopher J. Fettweis writes, in this, his third book. He identifies the foundations of those beliefs - fear, honor, glory and hubris - and explains how they have inspired poor strategic decisions in Washington. He then proceeds to discuss their origins. The author analyzes recent foreign policy mistakes, including the Bay of Pigs, the Vietnam War, and the Iraq War, and he considers the decision-making process behind them, as well as the beliefs inspiring those decisions. The American government's strategic performance, Professor Fettweis argues, can be improved if these pathological beliefs are recognized and eliminated.