THE TRAGIC ERA The Revolution after Lincoln ANDKW JOONHON PREFACE IF Hilaire Belloc is right IB his opinion that readable history is melodrama the true story of the twelve tragic years that fol lowed the death of Lincoln should be entertaining. They were years of revolutionary turmoil, with the elemental passions pre dominant, and with broken bones and bloody noses among the fighting factionalists. The prevailing note was one of tragedy, though, as we shall see, there was an abundance of comedy, and not a little of farce. Never have American public men in responsi ble positions, directing the destiny of the Nation, been so brutal, hypocritical, and corrupt The Constitution was treated as a door mat OB which politicians and army officers wiped their feet after wading in the muck. Never has the Supreme Court been treated with such ineffable contempt, and never has that tribunal so often cringed before the clamor of the mob. So appalling is the picture of these revolutionary years that even historians have preferred to overlook many essential things. Thus, Andrew Johnson who fought the bravest battle for constitutional liberty and for the preservation of our institutions ever waged by an Executive., until recently was left in the pillory to which un scrupulous gamblers for power consigned him, because the un varnished truth that vindicates Mm makes so many statues in public squares and parks seem a bit grotesque. That Johnson was maligned by his enemies because he was seeking honestly to carry out the conciliatory and wise policy of Lincoln is now generally understood, but even now few realise how intensely Lincoln was Kated by the Radicals at the time of his death A completeunderstanding of this period calls for a reappraisal of many public men. Some statesmen we have been taught to rever ence will appear in these pages in sorry rdles. Others, who played conspicuous parts, but have been denied the historical recognition due them, are introduced and shown in action. Thus the able lead ers of the minority in Congress are given fuller treatment than has been fashionable, since they represented more Americans, North VI and South, than the leaders of the Radical majority, and were nearer right on the issues of reconstruction-Thus, too, the brilliant and colorful leaders and spokesmen of the South are given their proper place in the dramatic struggle for the preservation of Southern civilisation and the redemption of their people, I have sought to re-create the black and bloody drama of these years, to show the leaders of the fighting factions at close range, to picture the moving masses, both whites and blacks, in North and South, surging crawly under the influence of the poisonous propaganda on which they were fed. That the Southern people literally were put to the torture is vaguely understood, but even historians have shrunk from the un happy task of showing us the torture chambers. It is impossible to grasp the real significance of the revolutionary proceedings of the rugged conspirators working out the policies of Thaddeiift Stevens without making many journeys among the Southern people, and seeing with our own eyes the indignities to which, they were sub jected. Through many unpublished contemporary family letters and diaries, I iave tried to show the psychological effect upon them of the despotic policies of which they were the victims. Brutal men, inspired by personal ambition or party motives as sumed the pose of philanthropists and patriots and thus deceived and misguided vast numbers of well-meaning people in the North. lot the effort to re-create the atmosphere mid temper of the times I have made free use of the newspapers of those times In valuable for this purpose has been my access to the unpublished diary of George W. Julian which covers the entire period. Through him we are able to sit in at important conferences that hitherto have been closed to the historians...

The Shelf2Life Irish Folklore and History Collection is a unique set of materials focused on Irish history, people and culture in the late 18th to early 20th centuries. Firsthand accounts tell of life during Ireland's tumultuous 19th century, offering vivid depictions of the tithe war and the great famine, while biographies highlight important historical figures and their tireless campaign for Irish reform. Included in this collection are works that capture the imaginative and occasionally frightening world of Irish folklore with legendary stories of fairies, leprechauns, changelings and pooka. This collection provides folklore enthusiasts, historians and anyone interested in Ireland, especially those of Irish descent, an unparalleled perspective on the economic struggles and cultural identity of the Irish people.

This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger Publishing's Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger Publishing's Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

Many of the earliest books, particularly those dating back to the 1900s and before, are now extremely scarce and increasingly expensive. We are republishing these classic works in affordable, high quality, modern editions, using the original text and artwork.

JEFF E R S I N P O WE R The Death Struggle of the Federalists CLAUDE G. BOWERS WITH ILLUSTRATIONS HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY - BOSTON GTt t EtorretUr flrea 1936 COPYRIGHT, 1936, BY CLAUDE G. BOWERS . RIGHTS RESERVED INCLUDING THE RIGHT TO REPRODUCE THIS BOOK OR PARTS THEREOF IN ANY FORM CAMBRIDGE . MASSACHUSETTS - PRINTED IN THE U. S. A. Preface t HE eight dramatic years of Jeffersons two Administrations JL marked the consolidation of the triumph of democracy after the ten-year struggle I have described in Jefferson and Hamilton Since some distinguished historians have written bitterly partisan interpretations of this period, out of the fullness of their fierce hate of Jefferson, it can scarcely be amiss, or in bad taste, for one who is frankly partial to Jeffersonian principles and policies to tell the story of these two Administrations as he finds it written luminously in the record. It was a lusty period, by no means so sedate as is the popular impression a period of marching mobs, of rebellions more brazen than that of Shays, of backstairs gossip and back-room intrigues, of whispering campaigns and political assassinations. The fighting was continuous, always bitter, often brilliant, and by no means confined to the reasonably dignified polemics of politicians. Men of light and leading occasionally engaged in common tavern brawls, many deliberated in House and Senate with guns in their pockets, and statesmen crept from their homes and boarding-houses in the chilly dawn to face one another on the field of honor at Bladensburg. Again Hamilton, in the shining armor of his genius, rides right gallantly upon the scene. In some ways he has changed under the skies, so gray to him, ofJeffersonian domination. But that which will impress us most about him will be his pathetic isolation. We shall find him frequently at odds with the Federalist leaders, who will continue to pay him lip service while utterly ignoring his advice. He cannot share their treasonable attitude on the acqui sition of Louisiana he will not join them in their bitter battle against a new and necessary constitutional amendment. He will vi PREFACE stand four square against the secession movements to which the most impressive portion of his party will give adherence. He will refuse to join them in their conspiracy to raise Aaron Burr to gubernatorial honors, and he will pay the penalty of his opposition with his life. Midway of our story, this Homeric figure will pass to history. No Federalist ever after was to wear his mantle or to wield his mighty sword. The most scintillating of the congressional leaders of the party were as insects crawling on the earth, compared with Jefferson. The real leadership of the Federalists passed to John Marshall, a consummate, constant, and bitterly partisan politi cian, who fought with far-seeing cunning from behind the pro tecting shield of the Supreme Court. These were, on the whole, eight remarkably brilliant years, though the anti-Jefferson historians are careful to convey no such impression. They were years of unprecedented prosperity. The industrial life of the nation developed rapidly. The management of the finances was brilliantly successful. There was a complete absence of scandal in administration. The federal judiciary was purged of the indecencies that were destroying faith in its im partiality, integrity, or justice, though the partisan historian hassmugly called this purgation an attack on the courts. The acquisition, without the shedding of a drop of blood, of an em pire, from which many of the richest commonwealths of the nation have been carved, was a memorable and immortal triumph. And we shall follow, in a more sympathetic manner than has been fashionable among the sword-rattlers of the ivory tower, Jeffersons superb effort, in the utter collapse of all international law, to find, in economic pressure, a civilized substitute for the savagery of war...

THE TRAGIC ERA The Revolution after Lincoln ANDKW JOONHON PREFACE IF Hilaire Belloc is right IB his opinion that readable history is melodrama the true story of the twelve tragic years that fol lowed the death of Lincoln should be entertaining. They were years of revolutionary turmoil, with the elemental passions pre dominant, and with broken bones and bloody noses among the fighting factionalists. The prevailing note was one of tragedy, though, as we shall see, there was an abundance of comedy, and not a little of farce. Never have American public men in responsi ble positions, directing the destiny of the Nation, been so brutal, hypocritical, and corrupt The Constitution was treated as a door mat OB which politicians and army officers wiped their feet after wading in the muck. Never has the Supreme Court been treated with such ineffable contempt, and never has that tribunal so often cringed before the clamor of the mob. So appalling is the picture of these revolutionary years that even historians have preferred to overlook many essential things. Thus, Andrew Johnson who fought the bravest battle for constitutional liberty and for the preservation of our institutions ever waged by an Executive., until recently was left in the pillory to which un scrupulous gamblers for power consigned him, because the un varnished truth that vindicates Mm makes so many statues in public squares and parks seem a bit grotesque. That Johnson was maligned by his enemies because he was seeking honestly to carry out the conciliatory and wise policy of Lincoln is now generally understood, but even now few realise how intensely Lincoln was Kated by the Radicals at the time of his death A completeunderstanding of this period calls for a reappraisal of many public men. Some statesmen we have been taught to rever ence will appear in these pages in sorry rdles. Others, who played conspicuous parts, but have been denied the historical recognition due them, are introduced and shown in action. Thus the able lead ers of the minority in Congress are given fuller treatment than has been fashionable, since they represented more Americans, North VI and South, than the leaders of the Radical majority, and were nearer right on the issues of reconstruction-Thus, too, the brilliant and colorful leaders and spokesmen of the South are given their proper place in the dramatic struggle for the preservation of Southern civilisation and the redemption of their people, I have sought to re-create the black and bloody drama of these years, to show the leaders of the fighting factions at close range, to picture the moving masses, both whites and blacks, in North and South, surging crawly under the influence of the poisonous propaganda on which they were fed. That the Southern people literally were put to the torture is vaguely understood, but even historians have shrunk from the un happy task of showing us the torture chambers. It is impossible to grasp the real significance of the revolutionary proceedings of the rugged conspirators working out the policies of Thaddeiift Stevens without making many journeys among the Southern people, and seeing with our own eyes the indignities to which, they were sub jected. Through many unpublished contemporary family letters and diaries, I iave tried to show the psychological effect upon them of the despotic policies of which they were the victims. Brutal men, inspired by personal ambition or party motives as sumed the pose of philanthropists and patriots and thus deceived and misguided vast numbers of well-meaning people in the North. lot the effort to re-create the atmosphere mid temper of the times I have made free use of the newspapers of those times In valuable for this purpose has been my access to the unpublished diary of George W. Julian which covers the entire period. Through him we are able to sit in at important conferences that hitherto have been closed to the historians...

This course is designed to fully cover the National Curriculum Key Stage 3 programme of study for Maths. It also offers coverage of the National Numeracy Framework objectives for Key Stage 3. Incorporating the ideology behind the National Numeracy Strategy, the course gives an interactive approach to maths at this level.