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Drawing on the work of Hannah Arendt and Theodor W. Adorno, this
book illustrates the relevance and applicability of a political
discussion of guilt and democracy. It appropriates psychoanalytic
theory to analyse court documents of Austrian Nazi perpetrators as
well as recent public controversies surrounding Austria's
involvement in the Nazi atrocities and ponders how the former
agents of Hitlerite crimes and contemporary Austrians have dealt
with their guilt. Exposing the defensive mechanisms that have been
used to evade facing involvement in Nazi atrocities, Leeb considers
the possibilities of breaking the cycle of negative consequences
that result from the inability to deal with guilt. Leeb shows us
that only by guilt can individuals and nations take responsibility
for their past crimes, show solidarity with the victims of crimes,
and prevent the emergence of new crimes.
A philosophical investigation of dealing with guilt and its impact
on democracy, in the case of Austrian NazisDrawing on the work of
Hannah Arendt and Theodor W. Adorno, this book illustrates the
relevance and applicability of a political discussion of guilt and
democracy. It appropriates psychoanalytic theory to analyse court
documents of Austrian Nazi perpetrators as well as recent public
controversies surrounding Austria's involvement in the Nazi
atrocities and ponders how the former agents of Hitlerite crimes
and contemporary Austrians have dealt with their guilt. Exposing
the defensive mechanisms that have been used to evade facing
involvement in Nazi atrocities, Leeb considers the possibilities of
breaking the cycle of negative consequences that result from the
inability to deal with guilt. Leeb shows us that only by guilt can
individuals and nations take responsibility for their past crimes,
show solidarity with the victims of crimes, and prevent the
emergence of new crimes.
How do we become political subjects? Put another way, how do we
become actors who have the power to instigate political change?
These are questions that have long vexed political theorists,
particularly feminist and critical race scholars who think about
how to achieve real political transformation. According to
postmodern scholars, subjects are defined only through their
relationship to institutions and social norms. But if we are only
political people insofar as we are subjects of existing power
relations, there is little hope of political transformation. To
instigate change, we need to draw on collective power, but
appealing to a particular type of subject, whether "working class,"
"black," or "women," will always be exclusionary. This issue is a
particular problem for feminist scholars, who are frequently
criticized for assuming that they can make broad claims for all
women, while failing to acknowledge their own exclusive and
powerful position (mostly white, Western, and bourgeois). Recent
work in political and feminist thought has suggested that we can
get around these paradoxes by wishing away the idea of political
subjects entirely or else thinking of political identities as
constantly shifting. In this book, Claudia Leeb argues that these
are both failed ideas. She instead suggests a novel idea of a
subject "in outline". As such, we are coherent political subjects,
but we are always open, or in outline. It is this openness that
both underscores the exclusionary character of political
subjectivity and allows us to counter it. Leeb also argues that
power structures that create political subjects are never
all-powerful. While she rejects the idea of political autonomy, she
shows that there is always a moment in which subjects can contest
the power relations that define them. Over the course of the book
Leeb grounds this concept of the subject in outline in work by
Adorno, Lacan, and Marx - the very theorists who are often seen as
denying the agency of the subject. Specifically, she takes a
critical look at the way that Judith Butler treats the political
subjectivity of women and the ways in which Marx and Adorno treat
the liberation of working class women.
The Democratic Arts of Mourning reflects on the variety of ways in
which mourning affects political and social life. In recent
decades, political theorists have increasingly examined and
explored the themes of loss, grief, and mourning. With an
introduction that contextualizes the turn to mourning in previous
scholarship on the politics of tragedy, this book includes twelve
chapters that clarify the intertwinement between politics and
mourning. The chapters are organized into five thematic sections
that each shed light on how democratic societies relate to loss,
grief, suffering, and death. Collectively, the chapters explore the
concept of mourning and its relationship to civic rituals,
memorials, taboos, social movements, and popular music. Chapters
examine how social groups defend their members against experiences
of grief or mourning, or how poetic expressions—such as ancient
Greek tragedy—can address the catastrophes of human life. Other
chapters explore the politics of symbols and bodies, and how they
can become fraught objects that stand in for a society’s
undigested—unmourned—losses and absences. The book concludes
with an interview with Bonnie Honig, whose own work on mourning has
been deeply influential in contemporary political theory.
The Democratic Arts of Mourning reflects on the variety of ways in
which mourning affects political and social life. In recent
decades, political theorists have increasingly examined and
explored the themes of loss, grief, and mourning. With an
introduction that contextualizes the turn to mourning in previous
scholarship on the politics of tragedy, this book includes twelve
chapters that clarify the intertwinement between politics and
mourning. The chapters are organized into five thematic sections
that each shed light on how democratic societies relate to loss,
grief, suffering, and death. Collectively, the chapters explore the
concept of mourning and its relationship to civic rituals,
memorials, taboos, social movements, and popular music. Chapters
examine how social groups defend their members against experiences
of grief or mourning, or how poetic expressions-such as ancient
Greek tragedy-can address the catastrophes of human life. Other
chapters explore the politics of symbols and bodies, and how they
can become fraught objects that stand in for a society's
undigested-unmourned-losses and absences. The book concludes with
an interview with Bonnie Honig, whose own work on mourning has been
deeply influential in contemporary political theory.
The color of the book's cover alludes to the time and context in
which this important volume originated: the 3rd Interdisciplinary
Conference Celebrating International Women's Day at the New School
for Social Research in New York City. At that time 'orange alerts'
were issued by the United States to create a climate of fear and
thereby stifle any critical debate of its foreign and domestic
policy. The feminist thinkers presented in this volume are alert
that such a critique is needed. They draw on the various languages
of their fields to address wide-ranging topics and key questions in
feminist politics, theory and philosophy. They all confront the
state of urgency concerning the role of women in all classes of
society, in all fields of research and the academy. This unique
collection ranges across disciplines; as such the four major
topics- aesthetics and female representation, love and
psychoanalysis, care and ethics, the different understandings of
'women' - represent current topics of cross-disciplinary interest
for Women's and Gender Studies, Philosophy, and Political Science.
In this original book, Claudia Leeb uses a poststructuralist
perspective to chart explicit and tacit assumptions about the
working class in general and the working-class woman specifically
in the classical texts of prominent political philosophers and
social critics including Plato, Aristotle, Kant, Rousseau, Marx,
Weber and Bourdieu. The author argues that philosophical discourses
that construct such categories as the Other function as
disciplinary practices that aim at keeping working-class women
either out of or at the margins of academic institutions. She
analyzes interviews with women from a range of national origins in
New York City's elite academic institutions, who identified their
backgrounds as working class. Her analysis foregrounds the
potential of these women to resist class and gender discipline.
"Working-Class Women in Elite Academia makes a significant
contribution to political-theory literature on injustice that
challenges and reconfigures the meanings of woman and working
class. It is of particular interest to political philosophers,
critical theorists, and women's and gender studies scholars.
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