This edited volume covers the development of the thought of the political realist Hans J. Morgenthau from the time of his arrival in America from Nazi-dominated Europe through to his emphatic denunciation of American policy in the Vietnam War. Critical to the development of thinking about American foreign policy in the post-war period, he laid out the idea of a national interest defined in terms of power, the precarious uncertainty of the international balance of power, the weakness of international morality, the decentralized character of international law, the deceptiveness of ideologies, and the requirements of a peace-preserving diplomacy. This volume is required reading for students of American foreign policy, and for anyone who wishes to understand the single most important source of the ideas underpinning American foreign policy since the end of the Second World War.

This book provides an introduction to, and analysis of, the English School's views on International Relations as they developed from the somewhat vague state/society distinction to the present focus on foundation institutions, regional organisation and the globalization of international society. It focuses on key thinkers and texts and turning points and moves our understanding of the English School beyond the past work of the British Committee to the more recent work of Barry Buzan et. al. to offer a comprehensive overview and interrogation from the leading lights of this arm of International Relations thought. This volume is one of the cornerstones of the EISA sponsored Trends in European IR Theory series complementing the volumes on International Political Theory, Liberalism, Realism, International Political Economy, the post-positivist tradition, and Feminism published for the centenary of IR as a discipline.

This book examines how the United States adopted and contributed to the practices of international society - the habits and practices states use to regulate their relations—during the nineteenth century. Expert contributors consider America’s ‘entry’ into international society and how independence forced it to enter into diplomatic relations with European states and start a permanent engagement with a society of states. Individual chapters focus on US perceptions of the international order and its place within it, the US position on international issues of that period, and how America’s perceptions and positions affected or were affected by the habits, practices and institutions of international society. This volume will serve as an invaluable text for undergraduate courses focusing on international relations theory and U.S. foreign policy. It will also appeal to established scholars in international relations, diplomacy, and international history, and historical sociology.

This book traces the development of the international society tradition from its origins in Grotius' On the Law of War and Peace to its crystallization in Bull's The Anarchical Society. It follows the idea of sociability among peoples as it was presented by Grotius and substantiated by Pufendorf, through the skepticism of Voltaire and Kant, to emerge as humanitarian warfare and human rights in the international liberal movement, 'world society' in the 20th century Catholic revival, and common practices and social understandings in the English School in the period of disciplinary development in international relations after the Second World War.

This book considers eleven key thinkers on American foreign policy during the inter-war period. All put forward systematic proposals for the direction, aims and instruments of American foreign policy; all were listened to, in varying degrees, by the policy makers of the day; all were influential in policy terms, as well as setting the terms of contemporary debate. The focus of the volume is the progressive agenda as it was formulated by Herbert Croly and The New Republic in the run-up to the First World War. An interest in the inter-war period has been sparked by America's part in international politics since 9/11. The neo-conservative ideology behind recent US foreign policy, its democratic idealism backed with force, is likened to a new-Wilsonianism. However, the progressives were more wary of the use of force than contemporary neo-conservatives. The unique focus of this volume and its contextual, Skinnerian approach provides a more nuanced understanding of US foreign policy debates of the long Progressive era than we presently have and provides an important intellectual background to current debates.

This book takes up one of the key theoretical challenges in the English School's conceptual framework, namely the nature of the institutions of international society. It theorizes their nature through an analysis of the relationship of primary and secondary levels of institutional formation, so far largely ignored in English School theorizing, and provides case studies to illuminate the theory. Hitherto, the School has largely failed to study secondary institutions such as international organizations and regimes as autonomous objects of analysis, seeing them as mere materializations of primary institutions. Building on legal and constructivist arguments about the constitutive character of institutions, it demonstrates how primary institutions frame secondary organizations and regimes, but also how secondary institutions construct agencies with capacities that impinge upon and can change primary institutions. Based on legal and constructivist ideas, it develops a theoretical model that sees primary and secondary institutions as shared understandings enmeshed in observable historical processes of constitution, reproduction and regulation.

Rejecting the view that states may be studied in isolation from one another, and proceeding from the assumption that political theory and international theory are part of a single continuum, this collection of essays employs both comparative method and an international perspective to assess what is happening to the chief political form of our time. In doing so, it questions recent major approaches of European and American scholarship which have tended to view the state as a formation serving capital, interests or classes. The approach of these essays is legal and constitutional, highlighting the changing nature of political communities and changing patterns of government. .

This book examines the ongoing power transition and its ramifications for world order from an international society perspective. In that perspective, the outcome of big changes in the distribution of power is a matter of socialization rather than structural determination or the resilience of the so-called Liberal world order. Consequently, the key question of this book is how the ongoing power transition affects, and is affected by, the social institutions of world order including sovereignty, the balance of power, international law, diplomacy, trade, humanitarian intervention, national self-determination, and environmental stewardship. The guiding theoretical assumption of the book is that power transition stimulates fundamental institutional change rather than major conflict or a breakdown of international order, while international organizations are key arenas for the realization and negotiation of such changes, not the victims of hegemonic retreat. The argument is pursued in sections on rising and declining powers (Anglo-America, Russia, China and the EU, among others), consequences for the fundamental social institutions and changes in international organizations, globally and regionally. In combination, the chapters reveal the contours of the coming world order.

This work describes the major changes in state relations which have occurred during the 20th century and the sources from which they emerged. It looks at the following areas, considering their contribution to an emergent new international society made up of diverse international organizations, and increasingly complex legal and customary international norms: population growth; patterns of production and consumption; economic developments and war; political ideologies; and patterns of governance. It also looks at state strategies in terms of these developments and how the choices of the major powers took states in the direction of increasing internationalization of domestic politics and economics. This book should prove a useful introduction to both the structures of modern international relations and the debates which those structures have engendered.

Using in-depth analysis of power relations, material changes and developments in ideologies, this essential text provides an accessible and student friendly historical introduction to the changing relations between states. The subjects covered include long term trends relating to war, the changing balance of power, decolonisation, the European system and the Cold War. This volume is essential reading for all those interested in the history of International Relations in the twentieth century.

Rejecting the view that states may be studied in isolation from one another, and proceeding from the assumption that political theory and international theory are part of a single continuum, this collection of essays employs both comparative method and an international perspective to assess what is happening to the chief political form of our time. In doing so, it questions recent major approaches of European and American scholarship which have tended to view the state as a formation serving capital, interests or classes. The approach of these essays is legal and constitutional, highlighting the changing nature of political communities and changing patterns of government. .

This book traces the development of the international society tradition from its origins in Grotius' On the Law of War and Peace to its crystallization in Bull's The Anarchical Society. It follows the idea of sociability among peoples as it was presented by Grotius and substantiated by Pufendorf, through the skepticism of Voltaire and Kant, to emerge as humanitarian warfare and human rights in the international liberal movement, 'world society' in the 20th century Catholic revival, and common practices and social understandings in the English School in the period of disciplinary development in international relations after the Second World War.

This book examines the ongoing power transition and its ramifications for world order from an international society perspective. In that perspective, the outcome of big changes in the distribution of power is a matter of socialization rather than structural determination or the resilience of the so-called Liberal world order. Consequently, the key question of this book is how the ongoing power transition affects, and is affected by, the social institutions of world order including sovereignty, the balance of power, international law, diplomacy, trade, humanitarian intervention, national self-determination, and environmental stewardship. The guiding theoretical assumption of the book is that power transition stimulates fundamental institutional change rather than major conflict or a breakdown of international order, while international organizations are key arenas for the realization and negotiation of such changes, not the victims of hegemonic retreat. The argument is pursued in sections on rising and declining powers (Anglo-America, Russia, China and the EU, among others), consequences for the fundamental social institutions and changes in international organizations, globally and regionally. In combination, the chapters reveal the contours of the coming world order.

Between the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 and the singing of the Helinski accords in August 1975, major changes occurred in the condition of the East-West conflict and more generally in the structure of great-power relations which had been built up since the end of the Second World War. This collection of documents, which includes the main speeches, treaties and agreements concluded between these two events, has been designed to illustrate the nature of these changes. The volume if prefaced by an analytical essay by the editors, and is subsequently divided into six sections. The first four deal respectively with the final ending of the cold war through the resolution of the problem of the two Germanies; the ending of the Vietnam War and the formal entry of the People's Republic of China into the international system; the diplomacy of detente between the super-powers and in Europe; and changes within the Western Alliance involving both NATO and the EEC, and in the Warsaw Pact.

This book provides an introduction to, and analysis of, the English School's views on International Relations as they developed from the somewhat vague state/society distinction to the present focus on foundation institutions, regional organisation and the globalization of international society. It focuses on key thinkers and texts and turning points and moves our understanding of the English School beyond the past work of the British Committee to the more recent work of Barry Buzan et. al. to offer a comprehensive overview and interrogation from the leading lights of this arm of International Relations thought. This volume is one of the cornerstones of the EISA sponsored Trends in European IR Theory series complementing the volumes on International Political Theory, Liberalism, Realism, International Political Economy, the post-positivist tradition, and Feminism published for the centenary of IR as a discipline.

This book takes up one of the key theoretical challenges in the English School's conceptual framework, namely the nature of the institutions of international society. It theorizes their nature through an analysis of the relationship of primary and secondary levels of institutional formation, so far largely ignored in English School theorizing, and provides case studies to illuminate the theory. Hitherto, the School has largely failed to study secondary institutions such as international organizations and regimes as autonomous objects of analysis, seeing them as mere materializations of primary institutions. Building on legal and constructivist arguments about the constitutive character of institutions, it demonstrates how primary institutions frame secondary organizations and regimes, but also how secondary institutions construct agencies with capacities that impinge upon and can change primary institutions. Based on legal and constructivist ideas, it develops a theoretical model that sees primary and secondary institutions as shared understandings enmeshed in observable historical processes of constitution, reproduction and regulation.