"Like national identity, national days involve a process of 'othering', saying who you are, as much as who you are not. If some countries (such as Scotland and Ireland) celebrate them far more strongly than their neighbour, England, why is that? Why is there no British day? Why should near-neighbours, Sweden, Norway and Finland, have such different traditions of national remembering? What if a national day and its associations are so tied into a previous political regime that they have become an embarrassment? Germany, Italy and South Africa have undergone radical political changes in the last 60 years, and with these, complex processes of forgetting and remembering. If national days have considerable political significance, whether positive or negative, they are also of major economic worth. Just as 'heritage' is not simply a matter of history, but of markets, so 'national days' have the potential to be major icons of national tourism. "--Book cover.

The book draws on original academic research to discuss the outcome of the 1997 general election in Scotland and the likely future shape of Scotland's politics. It offers the most rigorous and up-to-date assessment of Scottish electoral politics that is available, setting the 1997 Scottish result in a comparative context with the rest of Britain, and in a context of changing political attitudes and behaviour since the 1970s. The 1997 General Election ranks alongside 1945 and 1979 as a turning point in the post-war United Kingdom. The overwhelming endorsement of a Scottish Parliament in the September 1997 referendum will have dramatic implications for Scottish and British politics. This book enhances understanding of these developments and analyzes the relationship between national identity and the policy agenda as Scotland moves towards a new constitutional future.

What does it mean to say you're English, Scottish, British? Does it matter much to people? Has devolution and constitutional change made a difference to national identity? Does the future of the UK depend on whether or not people think they are British? Social and political scientists answer these questions vital to the future of the British state.

Johannesburg was still a brash mining town, better known for the production of wealth than knowledge, and the University of the Witwatersrand a mere ten years old when, in 1932, these ten lectures were delivered under the auspices of the University Philosophical Society. They portrayed the ideas of the university's leading academics of the day, and the programme of lectures reveals a studied effort to introduce an element of bipartisan political representation between English and Afrikaner in South Africa by including Wits' first principal, Jan Hofmeyr, and politician, D.F. Malan, as discussion chairs. Yet, no black intellectuals were represented and, indeed, the politics of racial segregation bursts through the text only in a few of the contributions. For the most part, race is alluded to only in passing. As Saul Dubow explains in his new introduction to this re-issue of the lectures, Our Changing World-View was an occasion for Wits' leading faculty members to position the young university as a mature institution with a leadership role in public affairs. Above all, it was a means to project the university as a research as well as a teaching institution, led by a vigorous and ambitious cohort of liberal-minded intellectuals. That all were male and white will be immediately apparent to readers of this reissued volume. Ranging from economics, psychology, a spurious rebuttal of evolution to a substantial revisionist history and the perils of the 'machine age', this book is a sombre reflection of intellectual history and the academy's role in promulgating political and social divisions in South Africa.

The book draws on original academic research to discuss the outcome of the 1997 general election in Scotland and the likely future shape of Scotland's politics. It offers the most rigorous and up-to-date assessment of Scottish electoral politics that is available, setting the 1997 Scottish result in a comparative context with the rest of Britain, and in a context of changing political attitudes and behaviour since the 1970s. The 1997 General Election ranks alongside 1945 and 1979 as a turning point in the post-war United Kingdom. The overwhelming endorsement of a Scottish Parliament in the September 1997 referendum will have dramatic implications for Scottish and British politics. This book enhances understanding of these developments and analyzes the relationship between national identity and the policy agenda as Scotland moves towards a new constitutional future.

The book shows how national days are best understood in the context of debates about national identity. It argues that national days are contested and manipulated, as well as subject to political, cultural and social pressure. It brings together some of the most recent research on national days and sets it in a comparative context.

What does it mean to say you're English, Scottish, British? Does it matter much to people? Has devolution and constitutional change made a difference to national identity? Does the future of the UK depend on whether or not people think they are British? Social and political scientists answer these questions vital to the future of the British state.