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This second of two companion volumes places the labor markets,
workplaces, jobs and workers of Europe in comparative perspective.
It focuses on the politics, economics, sociology, and history of
work and workers in Europe. It contains both qualitative and
quantitative studies as well as explicitly theoretical work, and
compares contemporary patterns and the recent history of European
workers with other models of work worldwide. Authors contribute a
variety of methodological and theoretical perspectives, with papers
that push the boundaries of evidence and argument. Specific topics
in "Comparing European Workers Volume 2: Policies and Institutions"
include: the political economy of active social policy in
postindustrial democracies; social protection dualism,
deindustrialization and cost containment; organized labor in
Europe; and, unionization in East European ex-communist countries.
It asks such questions as 'does European-style welfare generosity
discourage single mother employment?', 'whose interests do unions
represent?' and 'are trade unions still redistributive?'.
This first of two companion volumes places the labor markets,
workplaces, jobs and workers of Europe in comparative perspective.
It focuses on the politics, economics, sociology, and history of
work and workers in Europe. Authors contribute a variety of
methodological and theoretical perspectives, with papers that push
the boundaries of evidence and argument. In order to place European
workers in comparative perspectives, the volume features articles
that analyze specific European countries, industries and firms,
analyze Europe as one of a few cases, and analyze many European
countries within a cross-national sample. Specific topics in
'Comparing European Workers Volume 1: Experiences and Inequalities'
include: a multilevel study of perceived job insecurity in 27
European countries; work values and job rewards among European
workers; explaining cross-national variation in wage inequality;
managerial intensity and earnings inequality in affluent
democracies; cross-national patterns in individual and household
employment and work hours by gender and parenthood; and domestic
and international causes of the rise of pay inequality in OECD
nations.
Poverty is not simply the result of an individual's
characteristics, behaviors or abilities. Rather, as David Brady
demonstrates, poverty is the result of politics. In Rich
Democracies, Poor People, Brady investigates why poverty is so
entrenched in some affluent democracies whereas it is a solvable
problem in others. Drawing on over thirty years of data from
eighteen countries, Brady argues that cross-national and historical
variations in poverty are principally driven by differences in the
generosity of the welfare state. An explicit challenge to
mainstream views of poverty as an inescapable outcome of individual
failings or a society's labor markets and demography, this book
offers institutionalized power relations theory as an alternative
explanation. The power of coalitions for egalitarianism, Leftist
political groups and parties, and the social policies they are able
to institutionalize shape the amount of poverty in society. Where
poverty is low, equality has been institutionalized. Where poverty
is widespread, exemplified by the U.S., there has been a failure to
institutionalize equality. A comprehensive and state-of-the-art
study, Rich Democracies, Poor People places the inherently
political choices over resources and the political organization of
states, markets, and societies at the center of the study of
poverty and social inequality.
Poverty is not an individual's choice. Nor, as David Brady
demonstrates, is it necessary. Building on the latest scholarship
in poverty studies, this book points out that among affluent
Western societies, there is immense cross-national and historical
variation in poverty. Brady seeks to determine what makes poverty
so entrenched in some affluent democracies whereas it is a solvable
problem in others. He illustrates that, among these democracies,
the United States is in the worst shape, with three times as much
poverty as some West European countries. In the U.S., nearly 20% of
the population is poor, as are almost a fourth of U.S. children and
elderly. Searching for the causes of this dilemma, Brady puts forth
a sweeping new theory to explain that the fundamental cause of
poverty is politics, starting from the simple claim that the
distribution of resources in states and markets is inherently
political. Societies make collective choices about how to divide
their resources, and these choices are institutionalized. Brady
points out that where poverty is low, equality has been
institutionalized, and where poverty is widespread, as most visibly
demonstrated by the US, there has been a failure to
institutionalize equality. Hence, it is a society that collectively
decides how much of the population will be economically secure.
Countries with a relatively low level of poverty in fact socialize
the responsibility of preventing citizens from being poor. This
book effectively tackles the issue of how this collective
responsibility is conceived and institutionalized, by defining the
mechanisms that shape this ideology, or prevent it from coming into
being. David Brady offers promising new directions for
understanding the politics of social equality, and takes an
ambitious step forward in the struggle against poverty.
Despite remarkable economic advances in many societies during the
latter half of the twentieth century, poverty remains a global
issue of enduring concern. Poverty is present in some form in every
society in the world, and has serious implications for everything
from health and well-being to identity and behavior. Nevertheless,
the study of poverty has remained disconnected across disciplines.
The Oxford Handbook of the Social Science of Poverty builds a
common scholarly ground in the study of poverty by bringing
together an international, inter-disciplinary group of scholars to
provide their perspectives on the issue. Contributors engage in
discussions about the leading theories and conceptual debates
regarding poverty, the most salient topics in poverty research, and
the far-reaching consequences of poverty on the individual and
societal level. The volume incorporates many methodological
perspectives, including survey research, ethnography, and mixed
methods approaches, while the chapters extend beyond the United
States to provide a truly global portrait of poverty. A thorough
examination of contemporary poverty, this Handbook is a valuable
tool for non-profit practitioners, policy makers, social workers,
and students and scholars in the fields of public policy,
sociology, political science, international development,
anthropology, and economics.
Despite remarkable economic advances in many societies during the
latter half of the twentieth century, poverty remains a global
issue of enduring concern. Poverty is present in some form in every
society in the world, and has serious implications for everything
from health and well-being to identity and behavior. Nevertheless,
the study of poverty has remained disconnected across disciplines.
The Oxford Handbook of the Social Science of Poverty builds a
common scholarly ground in the study of poverty by bringing
together an international, inter-disciplinary group of scholars to
provide their perspectives on the issue. Contributors engage in
discussions about the leading theories and conceptual debates
regarding poverty, the most salient topics in poverty research, and
the far-reaching consequences of poverty on the individual and
societal level. The volume incorporates many methodological
perspectives, including survey research, ethnography, and mixed
methods approaches, while the chapters extend beyond the United
States to provide a truly global portrait of poverty. A thorough
examination of contemporary poverty, this Handbook is a valuable
tool for non-profit practitioners, policy makers, social workers,
and students and scholars in the fields of public policy,
sociology, political science, international development,
anthropology, and economics.
* Does leadership affect economic growth and development? * Is
leadership an exogenous determinant or an endogenous outcome of
growth and development processes? Can we differentiate between the
two? * Do leaders' decisions and actions vary in importance over
various stages in the process, at least in successful cases? * How
important is choosing the right economic model? * To what extent
does leadership affect the explicit or implicit time horizons of
policy choices? * Is leadership an important determinant of
inclusiveness in growth? * In what ways do leaders build consensus
or institutions to allow time for the economic plan to work? * What
challenges does economic success generate? * How do successful
leaders adapt to new problems such as income inequality and a
rising middle class? * Does the creation of new institutions play
any role in solving these problems? * Why do leaders often choose
second best political economic compromises in economic development?
This book has been prepared for the Commission on Growth and
Development to evaluate the state of knowledge on the relationship
between leadership and economic growth. It does not pretend to
provide all the answers, but does review the evidence, identify
insights and offers examples of leaders making decisions and acting
in ways that enhance economic growth. It examines a variety of
topics including leaders' roles in: promoting national unity,
building good solid institutions, choosing innovative and localized
policies, and creating political consensus for long run policy
implementation. Written by prominent academics and actual policy
makers, Leadership and Growth seeks to create a better
understanding of the role of leadership in growth and to encourage
further studies of the role of leadership in economic growth.
A moving story of a young boy's life from rags to riches sadness
and joy trying to cope with the immense change that takes him
through life.
Rugged Individualism and the Misunderstanding of American
Inequality explores and critiques the widespread perception in the
United States that one's success or failure in life is largely the
result of personal choices and individual characteristics. As the
authors show, the distinctively individualist ideology of American
politics and culture shapes attitudes toward poverty and economic
inequality in profound ways, fostering social policies that
de-emphasize structural remedies. Drawing on a variety of unique
methodologies, the book synthesizes data from large-scale surveys
of the American population, and it features both conversations with
academic experts and interviews with American citizens intimately
familiar with the consequences of economic disadvantage. This
mixture of approaches gives readers a fuller understanding of
"skeptical altruism," a concept the authors use to describe the
American public's hesitancy to adopt a more robust and
structurally-oriented approach to solving the persistent problem of
economic disadvantage.
In Rugged Individualism and the Misunderstanding of American
Inequality, the authors argue that the stronger individualism and
weaker structuralism found in the U.S. compared to much of Europe
ensures that American politicians do not face the same degree of
pressure that European politicians do to develop and/or maintain
robust and structurally-oriented social policies. Combined with
racism and features of the American political system, this works to
limit the generosity and effectiveness of anti-poverty and
inequality-reduction efforts in the U.S. This helps explain why the
U.S. compares so poorly to other wealthy countries on measures of
overall poverty, childhood poverty, economic inequality, and social
mobility.
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