This second of two companion volumes places the labor markets, workplaces, jobs and workers of Europe in comparative perspective. It focuses on the politics, economics, sociology, and history of work and workers in Europe. It contains both qualitative and quantitative studies as well as explicitly theoretical work, and compares contemporary patterns and the recent history of European workers with other models of work worldwide. Authors contribute a variety of methodological and theoretical perspectives, with papers that push the boundaries of evidence and argument. Specific topics in "Comparing European Workers Volume 2: Policies and Institutions" include: the political economy of active social policy in postindustrial democracies; social protection dualism, deindustrialization and cost containment; organized labor in Europe; and, unionization in East European ex-communist countries. It asks such questions as 'does European-style welfare generosity discourage single mother employment?', 'whose interests do unions represent?' and 'are trade unions still redistributive?'.

This first of two companion volumes places the labor markets, workplaces, jobs and workers of Europe in comparative perspective. It focuses on the politics, economics, sociology, and history of work and workers in Europe. Authors contribute a variety of methodological and theoretical perspectives, with papers that push the boundaries of evidence and argument. In order to place European workers in comparative perspectives, the volume features articles that analyze specific European countries, industries and firms, analyze Europe as one of a few cases, and analyze many European countries within a cross-national sample. Specific topics in 'Comparing European Workers Volume 1: Experiences and Inequalities' include: a multilevel study of perceived job insecurity in 27 European countries; work values and job rewards among European workers; explaining cross-national variation in wage inequality; managerial intensity and earnings inequality in affluent democracies; cross-national patterns in individual and household employment and work hours by gender and parenthood; and domestic and international causes of the rise of pay inequality in OECD nations.

* Does leadership affect economic growth and development? * Is leadership an exogenous determinant or an endogenous outcome of growth and development processes? Can we differentiate between the two? * Do leaders' decisions and actions vary in importance over various stages in the process, at least in successful cases? * How important is choosing the right economic model? * To what extent does leadership affect the explicit or implicit time horizons of policy choices? * Is leadership an important determinant of inclusiveness in growth? * In what ways do leaders build consensus or institutions to allow time for the economic plan to work? * What challenges does economic success generate? * How do successful leaders adapt to new problems such as income inequality and a rising middle class? * Does the creation of new institutions play any role in solving these problems? * Why do leaders often choose second best political economic compromises in economic development? This book has been prepared for the Commission on Growth and Development to evaluate the state of knowledge on the relationship between leadership and economic growth. It does not pretend to provide all the answers, but does review the evidence, identify insights and offers examples of leaders making decisions and acting in ways that enhance economic growth. It examines a variety of topics including leaders' roles in: promoting national unity, building good solid institutions, choosing innovative and localized policies, and creating political consensus for long run policy implementation. Written by prominent academics and actual policy makers, Leadership and Growth seeks to create a better understanding of the role of leadership in growth and to encourage further studies of the role of leadership in economic growth.

A moving story of a young boy's life from rags to riches sadness and joy trying to cope with the immense change that takes him through life.

Despite remarkable economic advances in many societies during the latter half of the twentieth century, poverty remains a global issue of enduring concern. Poverty is present in some form in every society in the world, and has serious implications for everything from health and well-being to identity and behavior. Nevertheless, the study of poverty has remained disconnected across disciplines. The Oxford Handbook of the Social Science of Poverty builds a common scholarly ground in the study of poverty by bringing together an international, inter-disciplinary group of scholars to provide their perspectives on the issue. Contributors engage in discussions about the leading theories and conceptual debates regarding poverty, the most salient topics in poverty research, and the far-reaching consequences of poverty on the individual and societal level. The volume incorporates many methodological perspectives, including survey research, ethnography, and mixed methods approaches, while the chapters extend beyond the United States to provide a truly global portrait of poverty. A thorough examination of contemporary poverty, this Handbook is a valuable tool for non-profit practitioners, policy makers, social workers, and students and scholars in the fields of public policy, sociology, political science, international development, anthropology, and economics.

Rugged Individualism and the Misunderstanding of American Inequality explores and critiques the widespread perception in the United States that one's success or failure in life is largely the result of personal choices and individual characteristics. As the authors show, the distinctively individualist ideology of American politics and culture shapes attitudes toward poverty and economic inequality in profound ways, fostering social policies that de-emphasize structural remedies. Drawing on a variety of unique methodologies, the book synthesizes data from large-scale surveys of the American population, and it features both conversations with academic experts and interviews with American citizens intimately familiar with the consequences of economic disadvantage. This mixture of approaches gives readers a fuller understanding of "skeptical altruism," a concept the authors use to describe the American public's hesitancy to adopt a more robust and structurally-oriented approach to solving the persistent problem of economic disadvantage.

In Rugged Individualism and the Misunderstanding of American Inequality, the authors argue that the stronger individualism and weaker structuralism found in the U.S. compared to much of Europe ensures that American politicians do not face the same degree of pressure that European politicians do to develop and/or maintain robust and structurally-oriented social policies. Combined with racism and features of the American political system, this works to limit the generosity and effectiveness of anti-poverty and inequality-reduction efforts in the U.S. This helps explain why the U.S. compares so poorly to other wealthy countries on measures of overall poverty, childhood poverty, economic inequality, and social mobility.

Poverty is not simply the result of an individual's characteristics, behaviors or abilities. Rather, as David Brady demonstrates, poverty is the result of politics. In Rich Democracies, Poor People, Brady investigates why poverty is so entrenched in some affluent democracies whereas it is a solvable problem in others. Drawing on over thirty years of data from eighteen countries, Brady argues that cross-national and historical variations in poverty are principally driven by differences in the generosity of the welfare state. An explicit challenge to mainstream views of poverty as an inescapable outcome of individual failings or a society's labor markets and demography, this book offers institutionalized power relations theory as an alternative explanation. The power of coalitions for egalitarianism, Leftist political groups and parties, and the social policies they are able to institutionalize shape the amount of poverty in society. Where poverty is low, equality has been institutionalized. Where poverty is widespread, exemplified by the U.S., there has been a failure to institutionalize equality. A comprehensive and state-of-the-art study, Rich Democracies, Poor People places the inherently political choices over resources and the political organization of states, markets, and societies at the center of the study of poverty and social inequality.

Poverty is not an individual's choice. Nor, as David Brady demonstrates, is it necessary. Building on the latest scholarship in poverty studies, this book points out that among affluent Western societies, there is immense cross-national and historical variation in poverty. Brady seeks to determine what makes poverty so entrenched in some affluent democracies whereas it is a solvable problem in others. He illustrates that, among these democracies, the United States is in the worst shape, with three times as much poverty as some West European countries. In the U.S., nearly 20% of the population is poor, as are almost a fourth of U.S. children and elderly. Searching for the causes of this dilemma, Brady puts forth a sweeping new theory to explain that the fundamental cause of poverty is politics, starting from the simple claim that the distribution of resources in states and markets is inherently political. Societies make collective choices about how to divide their resources, and these choices are institutionalized. Brady points out that where poverty is low, equality has been institutionalized, and where poverty is widespread, as most visibly demonstrated by the US, there has been a failure to institutionalize equality. Hence, it is a society that collectively decides how much of the population will be economically secure. Countries with a relatively low level of poverty in fact socialize the responsibility of preventing citizens from being poor. This book effectively tackles the issue of how this collective responsibility is conceived and institutionalized, by defining the mechanisms that shape this ideology, or prevent it from coming into being. David Brady offers promising new directions for understanding the politics of social equality, and takes an ambitious step forward in the struggle against poverty.

Despite remarkable economic advances in many societies during the latter half of the twentieth century, poverty remains a global issue of enduring concern. Poverty is present in some form in every society in the world, and has serious implications for everything from health and well-being to identity and behavior. Nevertheless, the study of poverty has remained disconnected across disciplines. The Oxford Handbook of the Social Science of Poverty builds a common scholarly ground in the study of poverty by bringing together an international, inter-disciplinary group of scholars to provide their perspectives on the issue. Contributors engage in discussions about the leading theories and conceptual debates regarding poverty, the most salient topics in poverty research, and the far-reaching consequences of poverty on the individual and societal level. The volume incorporates many methodological perspectives, including survey research, ethnography, and mixed methods approaches, while the chapters extend beyond the United States to provide a truly global portrait of poverty. A thorough examination of contemporary poverty, this Handbook is a valuable tool for non-profit practitioners, policy makers, social workers, and students and scholars in the fields of public policy, sociology, political science, international development, anthropology, and economics.