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Historical Dictionary of Syria, Fourth Edition covers the recent
events in Syria as well as the history that led up to these events.
The cross-referenced dictionary section has over 500 entries on
significant persons, places and events, political parties and
institutions, literature, music and the arts. .
On 20th November 1979, the Salafi Group, led by a charismatic
figure named Juhaiman al-Utaibi, seized control of the Sacred
Mosque in Mecca, the holiest site in the Muslim World. The Salafi
Group was not trying to establish an Islamic state. Instead, its
members believed they were players in a prophetic script about the
End of Time. After a two-week siege, the Saudi government
recaptured the mosque, threw the survivors into prison, and had
them publicly executed. The Mecca Uprising offers an insider's
account of the religious subculture that incubated the Mecca
Uprising, written by a former member of the Salafi Group, Nasir
al-Huzaimi. Huzaimi did not participate in the uprising, but he was
arrested in a government sweep of Salafi Group members and spent
six years in prison. In 2011, he published his memoir, Days with
Juhaiman, offering the most detailed picture we have of the Salafi
Group and Juhaiman. The Mecca Uprising had profound effects on
Saudi Arabia and the Muslim world[DC1] [YG2] . The Saudi government
headed off opposition from religious activists and made efforts to
buttress the ruling family’s legitimacy as the guardians of
Islam. Huzaimi’s memoir sheds light on the background of this
religious and political landscape, and is the most detailed account
we have of the Salafi Group and Juhaiman. The English edition is
complete with an introduction and annotations prepared by expert
David Commins to help readers understand the relevance of the
Meccan Uprising [DC3] and how it fits into the history of the
Islamic World. [DC1]lower case? Muslim world [YG2]changed to
author’s suggestion [DC3]Mecca Uprising
"Royal power, oil, and puritanical Islam are primary elements in
Saudi Arabia's rise to global influence. Oil is the reason for
Western interest in the kingdom and the foundation for commercial,
diplomatic, and strategic relations. Were it not for oil, the
government of Saudi Arabia would lack the resources to construct a
modern economy and infrastructure, and to thrust the kingdom into
regional prominence. Were it not for oil, Saudi Arabia would not be
able to fund institutions that spread its religious doctrine to
Muslim and non-Muslim countries. That doctrine, commonly known as
Wahhabism, is a puritanical form of Islam that is distinctive in a
number of ways, most visibly for how it makes public observance of
religious norms a matter of government enforcement rather than
individual disposition and social conformity, as it is in other
Muslim countries."-from the IntroductionSaudi Arabia is often
portrayed as a country where religious rules dictate every detail
of daily life: where women may not drive; where unrelated men and
women may not interact; where women veil their faces; and where
banks, restaurants, and cafes have dual facilities: one for
families, another for men. Yet everyday life in the kingdom does
not entirely conform to dogma. David Commins challenges the
stereotype of Saudi Arabia as a country immune to change by
highlighting the ways that urbanization, education, consumerism,
global communications, and technological innovation have exerted
pressure against rules issued by the religious
establishment.Commins places the Wahhabi movement in the wider
context of Islamic history, showing how state-appointed clerics
built on dynastic backing to fashion a model society of Sharia
observance and moral virtue. Beneath a surface appearance of
obedience to Islamic authority, however, he detects reflections of
Arabia's heritage of diversity (where Shi'ite and Sufi tendencies
predating the Saudi era survive in the face of discrimination) and
the effects of its exposure to Western mores.
In the wake of September 11th instant theories have emerged that
try to root Osama Bin Laden's attacks on Wahhabism. Muslim critics
have dismissed this conservative interpretation of Islam that is
the official creed of Saudi Arabia as an unorthodox innovation that
manipulated a suggestible people to gain political influence. David
Commins' book questions this assumption. He examines the debate on
the nature of Wahhabism, and offers original findings on its
ascendance in Saudi Arabia and spread throughout other parts of the
Muslim world such as Afghanistan and Pakistan. He also assesses the
challenge that radical militants within Saudi Arabia pose to the
region, and draws conclusions which will concern all those who
follow events in the Kingdom. The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia
is essential reading for anyone interested in the Middle East and
Islamic radicalism today.
"Royal power, oil, and puritanical Islam are primary elements in
Saudi Arabia's rise to global influence. Oil is the reason for
Western interest in the kingdom and the foundation for commercial,
diplomatic, and strategic relations. Were it not for oil, the
government of Saudi Arabia would lack the resources to construct a
modern economy and infrastructure, and to thrust the kingdom into
regional prominence. Were it not for oil, Saudi Arabia would not be
able to fund institutions that spread its religious doctrine to
Muslim and non-Muslim countries. That doctrine, commonly known as
Wahhabism, is a puritanical form of Islam that is distinctive in a
number of ways, most visibly for how it makes public observance of
religious norms a matter of government enforcement rather than
individual disposition and social conformity, as it is in other
Muslim countries."-from the IntroductionSaudi Arabia is often
portrayed as a country where religious rules dictate every detail
of daily life: where women may not drive; where unrelated men and
women may not interact; where women veil their faces; and where
banks, restaurants, and cafes have dual facilities: one for
families, another for men. Yet everyday life in the kingdom does
not entirely conform to dogma. David Commins challenges the
stereotype of Saudi Arabia as a country immune to change by
highlighting the ways that urbanization, education, consumerism,
global communications, and technological innovation have exerted
pressure against rules issued by the religious
establishment.Commins places the Wahhabi movement in the wider
context of Islamic history, showing how state-appointed clerics
built on dynastic backing to fashion a model society of Sharia
observance and moral virtue. Beneath a surface appearance of
obedience to Islamic authority, however, he detects reflections of
Arabia's heritage of diversity (where Shi'ite and Sufi tendencies
predating the Saudi era survive in the face of discrimination) and
the effects of its exposure to Western mores.
The common image of Saudi Arabia portrays a country where religious
rules dictate every detail of daily life: where women may not
drive; where unrelated men and women may not interact; where the
latter veil their faces; and where banks, restaurants and cafes
have dual facilities: one for families, another for men. Yet life
in the kingdom, contrary to perception, is not so clear cut as
simply obeying dogma. David Commins challenges the stereotype of a
country immune to change by highlighting the ways that
urbanization, education, consumerism, global communications and
technological innovation have exerted pressure against rules issued
by the religious establishment. He places the Wahhabi movement in
the wider context of Islamic history, showing how state-appointed
clerics built on dynastic backing to fashion a model society of
Sharia observance and moral virtue. But beneath a surface
appearance of obedience to Islamic authority he detects currents
that reflect Arabia's heritage of diversity (where Shi'i and Sufi
tendencies survive in the face of discrimination) and the effects
of its exposure to Western mores.
The common image of Saudi Arabia portrays a country where religious
rules dictate every detail of daily life: where women may not
drive; where unrelated men and women may not interact; where the
latter veil their faces; and where banks, restaurants and cafes
have dual facilities: one for families, another for men. Yet life
in the kingdom, contrary to perception, is not so clear cut as
simply obeying dogma. David Commins challenges the stereotype of a
country immune to change by highlighting the ways that
urbanization, education, consumerism, global communications and
technological innovation have exerted pressure against rules issued
by the religious establishment. He places the Wahhabi movement in
the wider context of Islamic history, showing how state-appointed
clerics built on dynastic backing to fashion a model society of
Sharia observance and moral virtue. But beneath a surface
appearance of obedience to Islamic authority he detects currents
that reflect Arabia's heritage of diversity (where Shi'i and Sufi
tendencies survive in the face of discrimination) and the effects
of its exposure to Western mores.
The geopolitical importance of the Gulf region is a source both of
great interest and great tension. David Commins here provides an
in-depth narrative of the modern political history of the Gulf
States, providing a comprehensive and accessible account of their
recent development and strategic importance. Focusing primarily on
economic, cultural, religious and social themes from the 14th
century to the present, The Gulf States covers key topics of the
region's history, from the influence of the Ottoman Empire and the
rise of Arab dynasties, to oil wealth, modern prosperity and the
formation of the Gulf States as we know them today. With the
importance and influence of the Gulf States continuing to increase,
this book is an invaluable source of information on the Gulf
region's development for researchers and students alike.
On 20th November 1979, the Salafi Group, led by a charismatic
figure named Juhaiman al-Utaibi, seized control of the Sacred
Mosque in Mecca, the holiest site in the Muslim World. The Salafi
Group was not trying to establish an Islamic state. Instead, its
members believed they were players in a prophetic script about the
End of Time. After a two-week siege, the Saudi government
recaptured the mosque, threw the survivors into prison, and had
them publicly executed. The Mecca Uprising offers an insider's
account of the religious subculture that incubated the Mecca
Uprising, written by a former member of the Salafi Group, Nasir
al-Huzaimi. Huzaimi did not participate in the uprising, but he was
arrested in a government sweep of Salafi Group members and spent
six years in prison. In 2011, he published his memoir, Days with
Juhaiman, offering the most detailed picture we have of the Salafi
Group and Juhaiman. The Mecca Uprising had profound effects on
Saudi Arabia and the Muslim world[DC1] [YG2] . The Saudi government
headed off opposition from religious activists and made efforts to
buttress the ruling family’s legitimacy as the guardians of
Islam. Huzaimi’s memoir sheds light on the background of this
religious and political landscape, and is the most detailed account
we have of the Salafi Group and Juhaiman. The English edition is
complete with an introduction and annotations prepared by expert
David Commins to help readers understand the relevance of the
Meccan Uprising [DC3] and how it fits into the history of the
Islamic World. [DC1]lower case? Muslim world [YG2]changed to
author’s suggestion [DC3]Mecca Uprising
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