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While dramatic changes taking place in the Middle East offer
important opportunities to the Kurdish century-long struggle for
recognition, serious obstacles seem to keep reemerging every time
the Kurds anywhere make progress. The large Kurdish geography,
extending from western Iran to near the eastern Mediterranean, and
a century of repression and denial have engendered various Kurdish
groups with competing and at times conflicting views and goals. The
Kurds in the Middle East: Enduring Problems and New Dynamics, with
an emphasis on continuity and change in the Kurdish Question,
brings together a group of well-known scholars to shed light on
this complex issue.
While dramatic changes taking place in the Middle East offer
important opportunities to the Kurdish century-long struggle for
recognition, serious obstacles seem to keep reemerging every time
the Kurds anywhere make progress. The large Kurdish geography,
extending from western Iran to near the eastern Mediterranean, and
a century of repression and denial have engendered various Kurdish
groups with competing and at times conflicting views and goals. The
Kurds in the Middle East: Enduring Problems and New Dynamics, with
an emphasis on continuity and change in the Kurdish Question,
brings together a group of well-known scholars to shed light on
this complex issue.
In Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, central governments historically
pursued mono-nationalist ideologies and repressed Kurdish identity.
As evidenced by much unrest and a great many Kurdish revolts in all
these states since the 1920s, however, the Kurds manifested strong
resistance towards ethnic chauvinism. What sorts of authoritarian
state policies have Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria relied on to
contain the Kurds over the years? Can meaningful democratization
and liberalization in any of these states occur without a
fundamental change vis-a-vis their Kurdish minorities? To what
extent does the Kurdish issue function as both a barrier and key to
democratization in four of the most important states of the Middle
East? While many commentators on the Middle East stress the
importance of resolving the Arab-Israeli dispute for achieving
'peace in the Middle East,' this book asks whether or not the often
overlooked Kurdish issue may constitute a more important fulcrum
for change in the region, especially in light of the 'Arab Spring'
and recent changes in Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria.
In Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, central governments historically
pursued mono-nationalist ideologies and repressed Kurdish identity.
As evidenced by much unrest and a great many Kurdish revolts in all
these states since the 1920s, however, the Kurds manifested strong
resistance towards ethnic chauvinism. What sorts of authoritarian
state policies have Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria relied on to
contain the Kurds over the years? Can meaningful democratization
and liberalization in any of these states occur without a
fundamental change vis-a-vis their Kurdish minorities? To what
extent does the Kurdish issue function as both a barrier and key to
democratization in four of the most important states of the Middle
East? While many commentators on the Middle East stress the
importance of resolving the Arab-Israeli dispute for achieving
'peace in the Middle East,' this book asks whether or not the often
overlooked Kurdish issue may constitute a more important fulcrum
for change in the region, especially in light of the 'Arab Spring'
and recent changes in Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria.
For the first time in their modern history, the Kurds in Iraq and
Turkey at least are cautiously ascending. In northern Iraq the two
U.S. wars against Saddam Hussein have had the fortuitous side
effect of helping to create a Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).
The KRG has become an island of democratic stability, peace, and
burgeoning economic progress, as well as an autonomous part of a
projected federal, democratic, post-Saddam-Hussein Iraq. If such an
Iraq proves impossible to construct, as it well may, the KRG is
positioned to become independent. Either way, the evolution of a
solution to the Kurdish problem in Iraq is clear. Furthermore,
Turkey's successful EU candidacy would have the additional
fortuitous side effect of granting that country's ethnic Kurds
their full democratic rights that have hitherto been denied.
Although this evolving solution to the Kurdish problem in Iraq and
Turkey remains cautiously fragile and would not apply to the Kurds
in Iran and Syria because they have not experienced the recent
developments their co-nationals in Iraq and Turkey have, it does
represent a strikingly positive future that until recently seemed
so bleak.
For the first time in their modern history, the Kurds in Iraq and
Turkey at least are cautiously ascending. This is because of two
major reasons. (1) In northern Iraq the two U.S. wars against
Saddam Hussein have had the fortuitous side effect of helping to
create a Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). The KRG has become an
island of democratic stability, peace, and burgeoning economic
progress, as well as an autonomous part of a projected federal,
democratic, post-Saddam-Hussein Iraq. If such an Iraq proves
impossible to construct, as it well may, the KRG is positioned to
become independent. Either way, the evolution of a solution to the
Kurdish problem in Iraq is clear. (2) Furthermore, Turkey's
successful EU candidacy would have the additional fortuitous side
effect of granting that country's ethnic Kurds their full
democratic rights that have hitherto been denied. Although this
evolving solution to the Kurdish problem in Iraq and Turkey remains
cautiously fragile and would not apply to the Kurds in Iran and
Syria because they have not experienced the recent developments
their co-nationals in Iraq and Turkey have, it does represent a
strikingly positive future that until recently seemed so bleak.
What if you could use software to design hardware? Not just any
hardware--imagine specifying the behavior of a complex parallel
computer, sending it to a chip, and having it run on that chip--all
without any manufacturing? With Field-Programmable Gate Arrays
(FPGAs), you can design such a machine with your mouse and
keyboard. When you deploy it to the FPGA, it immediately takes on
the behavior that you defined. Want to create something that
behaves like a display driver integrated circuit? How about a CPU
with an instruction set you dreamed up? Or your very own Bitcoin
miner You can do all this with FPGAs. Because you're not writing
programs--rather, you're designing a chip whose sole purpose is to
do what you tell it--it's faster than anything you can do in code.
With Make: FPGAs, you'll learn how to break down problems into
something that can be solved on an FPGA, design the logic that will
run on your FPGA, and hook up electronic components to create
finished projects
David Romano's 2006 book focuses on the Kurdish case to try and
make sense of ethnic nationalist resurgence generally. In a world
rent by a growing number of such conflicts, the questions posed
about why, how and when such challenges to the state are mounted
are becoming increasingly urgent. Throughout the author analyses
these questions through the lens of social movement theory,
considering in particular politico-social structures, resource
mobilization strategies and cultural identity. His conclusions
offer some thought-provoking insights into Kurdish nationalism, as
well as into the strengths and weaknesses of various social
movement theories. While the book offers a rigorous conceptual
approach, the empirical material - the result of the author's
personal experiences - makes it a compelling read. It will find a
readership amongst students of the Middle East, and also amongst
those interested in ethnic relations, minority rights, terrorism,
state repression, social movement theories and many other related
issues.
David Romano's 2006 book focuses on the Kurdish case to try and
make sense of ethnic nationalist resurgence generally. In a world
rent by a growing number of such conflicts, the questions posed
about why, how and when such challenges to the state are mounted
are becoming increasingly urgent. Throughout the author analyses
these questions through the lens of social movement theory,
considering in particular politico-social structures, resource
mobilization strategies and cultural identity. His conclusions
offer some thought-provoking insights into Kurdish nationalism, as
well as into the strengths and weaknesses of various social
movement theories. While the book offers a rigorous conceptual
approach, the empirical material - the result of the author's
personal experiences - makes it a compelling read. It will find a
readership amongst students of the Middle East, and also amongst
those interested in ethnic relations, minority rights, terrorism,
state repression, social movement theories and many other related
issues.
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