First published in 1998, this book analytically examines the social and professional origins of one of the most powerful groups in society, the Chief Constables of the police forces of England and Wales. By examining the selection policies of police authorities during the past century and a half, it provides an explanation of the contrast that is found between the picture of yesterday's Chief Constable as an ex-military, tweed suit wearing, friend of the local aristocracy and the technocratic managerial image of Chief Constables today. Drawing upon analysis of the careers of fall Chief Constables known to have held office between 1835 and 1995, and supplemented by contemporary and recent literature, this book illustrates the subtle interaction that was found between politics and policing at both local and national levels. At the centre of these findings is the observation that whilst they were once part of their respective local power elites, Chief Constables are now an elite group in their own right with direct links with central government.

First published in 1998, this book analytically examines the social and professional origins of one of the most powerful groups in society, the Chief Constables of the police forces of England and Wales. By examining the selection policies of police authorities during the past century and a half, it provides an explanation of the contrast that is found between the picture of yesterday's Chief Constable as an ex-military, tweed suit wearing, friend of the local aristocracy and the technocratic managerial image of Chief Constables today. Drawing upon analysis of the careers of fall Chief Constables known to have held office between 1835 and 1995, and supplemented by contemporary and recent literature, this book illustrates the subtle interaction that was found between politics and policing at both local and national levels. At the centre of these findings is the observation that whilst they were once part of their respective local power elites, Chief Constables are now an elite group in their own right with direct links with central government.

This volume presents the reader with an interesting and, at times, provocative selection of contemporary thinking about cybercrimes and their regulation. The contributions cover the years 2002-2007, during which period internet service delivery speeds increased a thousand-fold from 56kb to 56mb per second. When combined with advances in networked technology, these faster internet speeds not only made new digital environments more easily accessible, but they also helped give birth to a completely new generation of purely internet-related cybercrimes ranging from spamming, phishing and other automated frauds to automated crimes against the integrity of the systems and their content. In order to understand these developments, the volume introduces new cybercrime viewpoints and issues, but also a critical edge supported by some of the new research that is beginning to challenge and surpass the hitherto journalistically-driven news stories that were once the sole source of information about cybercrimes.

Cybercrime has recently experienced an ascending position in national security agendas world-wide. It has become part of the National Security Strategies of a growing number of countries, becoming a Tier One threat, above organised crime and fraud generally. Furthermore, new techno-social developments in social network media suggest that cyber-threats will continue to increase. This collection addresses the recent 'inertia' in both critical thinking and the empirical study of cybercrime and policing by adding to the literature seven interdisciplinary and critical chapters on various issues relating to the new generation of cybercrimes currently being experienced. The chapters illustrate that cybercrimes are changing in two significant ways that are asymmetrical. On the one hand cybercrime is becoming increasingly professionalised, resulting in 'specialists' that perform complex and sophisticated attacks on computer systems and human users. On the other, the 'hyper-connectivity' brought about by the exponential growth in social media users has opened up opportunities to 'non-specialist' citizens to organise and communicate in ways that facilitate crimes on and offline. While largely distinct, these developments pose equally contrasting challenges for policing which this book addresses. This book was originally published as a special issue of Policing and Society.

This incisive book provides a critical history and analysis of community organizing, the tradition of bringing groups together to build power and forge grassroots leadership for social, economic, racial, and environmental justice. Begun by Saul Alinsky in the 1930s, there are today nearly 200 institution-based groups active in 40 U.S. states, and the movement is spreading internationally. David Walls charts how community organizing has transcended the neighborhood to seek power and influence at the metropolitan, state, and national levels, together with such allies as unions and human rights advocates. Some organizing networks have embraced these goals while others have been more cautious, and the growing profile of community organizing has even charged political debate. Importantly, Walls engages social movements literature to bring insights to our understanding of community organizing networks, their methods, allies and opponents, and to show how community organizing offers concepts and tools that are indispensable to a democratic strategy of social change. "Community Organizing" will be essential reading for advanced undergraduates and graduate students of sociology, social movements and social work. It will also inform organizers and grassroots leaders, as well as the elected officials and others who contend with them.

In The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey, published by the University Press of Kentucky in 1962, Rupert Vance suggested a decennial review of the region's progress. No systematic study comparable to that made at the beginning of the decade is available to answer the question of how far Appalachia has come since then, but David S. Walls and John B. Stephenson have assembled a broad range of firsthand reports which together convey the story of Appalachia in the sixties. These observations of journalists, field workers, local residents, and social scientists have been gathered from a variety of sources ranging from national magazines to county weeklies.

Focusing mainly on the coalfields of West Virginia, eastern Kentucky, southwestern Virginia, and north-central Tennessee, the editors first present selections that reflect the "rediscovery" of the region as a problem area in the early sixties and describe the federal programs designed to rehabilitate it and their results. Other sections focus on the politics of the coal industry, the extent and impact of the continued migration from the region, and the persistence of human suffering and environmental devastation. A final section moves into the 1970s with proposals for the future. Although they conclude that there is little ground for claiming success in solving the region's problems, the editors find signs of hope in the scattered movements toward grass-roots organization described by some of the contributors, and in the new tendency to define solutions in terms of reconstruction rather than amelioration.