Argentines ask how their ultracivilized country, reputedly the most European in Latin America, could have relapsed into near-barbarism in the 1970s. This enlightening study seeks to answer that question by reviewing the underlying political events and intellectual foundations of the "dirty war" (1975-1978) and overlapping Military Process (1976-1982). It examines the ideologies and actions of the main protagonists-the armed forces, guerrillas, and organized labor-over time and traces them to their roots. In the most comprehensive treatment of the subject to date, Hodges examines primary materials never seen by other researchers, including clandestinely published guerrilla documents, and interviews important actors in Argentina's political drama. His wide-ranging scholarship traces the origins of the national security and national salvation doctrines to the Spanish Inquisition, sixteenth-century witch hunts, and nineteenth-century reactions to the modernizing ideologies of liberalism, democracy, socialism, and communism. Hodges posits that the "dirty war," Military Process, and revolutionary war to which they responded represented the culmination of social tensions that arose in 1930 with the launching of the Military Era by Argentina's first successful twentieth-century coup. He offers the disquieting hypothesis that as long as the "Argentine Question" remains unsettled the military may intervene again, the resistance movement will remain strong, and violence may continue even under a democratic government.

Drawing on previously unknown or unassimilated sources, Donald C. Hodges here presents an entirely new interpretation of the politics and philosophy of Augusto C. Sandino, the intellectual progenitor of Nicaragua's Sandinista revolution. The first part of the book investigates the political sources of Sandino's thought in the works of Babeuf, Buonarroti, Blanqui, Proudhon, Bakunin, Most, Malatesta, Kropotkin, Ricardo Flores Magon, and Lenin-a mixed legacy of pre-Marxist and non-Marxist authoritarian and libertarian communists. The second half of the study scrutinizes the philosophy of nature and history that Sandino made his own. Hodges delves deeply into this philosophy as the supreme and final expression of Sandino's communism and traces its sources in the Gnostic and millenarian occult undergrounds. This results in a rich study of the ways in which Sandino's revolutionary communism and communist spirituality intersect-a spiritual politics that Hodges presents as more realistic than the communism of Karl Marx. While accepting the current wisdom that Sandino was a Nicaraguan liberal and social reformer, Hodges also makes a persuasive case that Sandino was first and foremost a communist, although neither of the Marxist nor anarchist variety. He argues that Sandino's eclectic communist spirituality was more of an asset than a liability for understanding the human condition, and that his spiritual politics promises to be more relevant than Marxism-Leninism for the twenty-first century. Indeed, Hodges believes that Sandino's holistic communism embraces both deep ecology and feminist spirituality-a finding that is sure to generate lively and productive debate.

Deep Republicanism: Prelude to Professionalism establishes the importance of Machiavelli's radical republican agenda in understanding the major revolutions of the modern world. Donald Hodges's nuanced analysis of The Discourse of Livy reveals a subversive republicanism in Machiavelli's theorizing that is at odds with the demoliberalism often perceived as the work's primary political agenda. Hodges follows this strand of republicanism through history, providing a fascinating account of how these two political philosophies vied with each other throughout much of modern history in conflicts that culminated in the Russian and American Revolutions. A unique treatment of Machiavelli's political agenda, its implementation by numerous historical actors, and its legacy, professionalism, Deep Republicanism examines aspects of Machiavelli's work that have often been overlooked. It also sheds light on Machiavelli himself, whose famously devious and crafty writing style was partly motivated by his political vulnerability in fifteenth century Florence. Hodges's study is both a novel examination of the historical influence of Machiavelli's thought and a testament to the enduring power, influence, and subtlety of one of the best-known Western political philosophers.

Deep Republicanism: Prelude to Professionalism establishes the importance of Machiavelli's radical republican agenda in understanding the major revolutions of the modern world. Donald Hodges's nuanced analysis of The Discourse of Livy reveals a subversive republicanism in Machiavelli's theorizing that is at odds with the demoliberalism often perceived as the work's primary political agenda. Hodges follows this strand of republicanism through history, providing a fascinating account of how these two political philosophies vied with each other throughout much of modern history in conflicts that culminated in the Russian and American Revolutions. A unique treatment of Machiavelli's political agenda, its implementation by numerous historical actors, and its legacy, professionalism, Deep Republicanism examines aspects of Machiavelli's work that have often been overlooked. It also sheds light on Machiavelli himself, whose famously devious and crafty writing style was partly motivated by his political vulnerability in fifteenth century Florence. Hodges's study is both a novel examination of the historical influence of Machiavelli's thought and a testament to the enduring power, influence, and subtlety of one of the best-known Western political philosophers.

This study reveals how the social pact, formalized during the armed stage of the Mexican Revolution (1910-20) and implemented during the second stage (1920-40), was upset during the third or arrested stage (1940-70) when the bureaucrat-professionals at the helm opted for intensive economic development by taking the capitalist road. Although momentarily revived during yet a fourth stage of revolution (1970-82), this social pact was subsequently betrayed from within by the official party of the Revolution and undermined from without by the operation of economic forces behind the scenes. In this first book on the complete history of the Mexican Revolution, Hodges and Gandy reveal that, along with the end of its social pact, Mexico passed out of its former nationalist and capitalist orbit to enter the new professional societies and global order fathered by the transnationals. From 1920 to 1970, Mexico's bureaucrat-professionals hung onto political power while native capitalists continued to flourish. In response, Mexico's workers and peasants staged strikes against the nationalized sector and fomented guerrilla wars. Concessions were then made to this group until, beginning in 1982, the social pact was again eroded at the expense, not only of the popular sectors, but also of the capitalists. The economic surplus was redistributed away from owners and into the pockets of professionals. That was the Revolution's last gasp before it was officially put to rest in 2000 with the official party's defeat at the polls. Hodges and Gandy challenge the current belief that Mexico's economic system is still capitalist by presenting statistical evidence that shows how the chief beneficiaries of theeconomy are no longer the providers of capital, but instead the providers of professional services.

This study reveals how the social pact, formalized during the armed stage of the Mexican Revolution (1910-20) and implemented during the second stage (1920-40), was upset during the third or arrested stage (1940-70) when the bureaucrat-professionals at the helm opted for intensive economic development by taking the capitalist road. Although momentarily revived during yet a fourth stage of revolution (1970-82), this social pact was subsequently betrayed from within by the official party of the Revolution and undermined from without by the operation of economic forces behind the scenes. In this first book on the complete history of the Mexican Revolution, Hodges and Gandy reveal that, along with the end of its social pact, Mexico passed out of its former nationalist and capitalist orbit to enter the new professional societies and global order fathered by the transnationals. From 1920 to 1970, Mexico's bureaucrat-professionals hung onto political power while native capitalists continued to flourish. In response, Mexico's workers and peasants staged strikes against the nationalized sector and fomented guerrilla wars. Concessions were then made to this group until, beginning in 1982, the social pact was again eroded at the expense, not only of the popular sectors, but also of the capitalists. The economic surplus was redistributed away from owners and into the pockets of professionals. That was the Revolution's last gasp before it was officially put to rest in 2000 with the official party's defeat at the polls. Hodges and Gandy challenge the current belief that Mexico's economic system is still capitalist by presenting statistical evidence that shows how the chief beneficiaries of theeconomy are no longer the providers of capital, but instead the providers of professional services.

Formal anarchist organizations disappeared in Mexico after the 1910 Revolution, but anarchist principles survive in the popular resistance movements against the post-revolutionary governments. In this book, Donald Hodges offers the first comprehensive treatment of the intellectual foundations, history, politics, and strategy of Mexican anarchism since the Revolution.

Hodges interviewed leading Mexican anarchists, including Monico Rodriguez Gomez, and gained access to documents of numerous guerrilla organizations, such as the previously missing "Plan de Cerro Prieto." Using both original and published sources, he shows how the political heirs of Ricardo Flores Magon, Mexico's foremost anarchist, agitated for workers' self-management and agrarian reform under the cover of the Mexican Communist party, how they played an important role in the student rebellion, and how, in the face of a labor movement that has come under government control, anarchism is currently experiencing a rebirth under another name.