While most of Asia's major cities are increasingly homogenized by rapid economic growth and cultural globalization, Rangoon, which is Burma's former capital and largest city, still bears the imprint of a unique and often turbulent history. It is the site of the Shwedagon Pagoda, a focus of Buddhist pilgrimage and devotion since the early second millennium C.E. that continues to play a major role in national life. In 1852, the British occupied Rangoon and made it their colonial capital, building a modern port and administrative center based on western designs. It became the capital of independent Burma in 1948, but in 2005 the State Peace and Development Council military junta established a new, heavily fortified capital at Naypyidaw, 320 kilometers north of the old capital. A major motive for the capital relocation was the regime's desire to put distance between itself and Rangoon's historically restive population. Reacting to the huge anti-government demonstrations of "Democracy Summer" in 1988, the new military regime used massive violence to pacify the city and sought to transform it in line with its supreme goal of state security. However, the "Saffron Revolution" of September 2007 showed that Rangoon's traditions of resistance reaching back to the colonial era are still very much alive.

While most of Asia's major cities are increasingly homogenized by rapid economic growth and cultural globalization, Rangoon, which is Burma's former capital and largest city, still bears the imprint of a unique and often turbulent history. It is the site of the Shwedagon Pagoda, a focus of Buddhist pilgrimage and devotion since the early second millennium C.E. that continues to play a major role in national life. In 1852, the British occupied Rangoon and made it their colonial capital, building a modern port and administrative center based on western designs. It became the capital of independent Burma in 1948, but in 2005 the State Peace and Development Council military junta established a new, heavily fortified capital at Naypyidaw, 320 kilometers north of the old capital.

A major motive for the capital relocation was the regime's desire to put distance between itself and Rangoon's historically restive population. Reacting to the huge anti-government demonstrations of "Democracy Summer" in 1988, the new military regime used massive violence to pacify the city and sought to transform it in line with its supreme goal of state security. However, the "Saffron Revolution" of September 2007 showed that Rangoon's traditions of resistance reaching back to the colonial era are still very much alive.

"This book focuses on the different challenges and opportunities for social transformation in India, Myanmar and Thailand, by centering communities and individuals as the main drivers of change. In doing so, it includes discussions on a wide array of issues including women's empowerment and political participation, ethno-religious tensions, plurilingualism, education reform, community-based healthcare, climate change, disaster management, ecological systems, and vulnerability reduction. Two core foundations are introduced for ensuring broader transformations. The first is the academic diplomacy project - a framework for an engaged academic enquiry focusing on causative, curative, transformative, and promotive factors. The second is a community driven collective struggle that serves as a grassroots possibility to facilitate positive social transformation by using locally available resources and enabling the participation of the resident population. As a whole, the book conveys the importance of a diversification of engagement at the grassroots level to strengthen the capacity of individuals as decisive stakeholders, where the process of social transformation makes communities more interconnected, interdependent, multicultural and vital in building an inclusive society."

"This book focuses on the different challenges and opportunities for social transformation in India, Myanmar and Thailand, by centering communities and individuals as the main drivers of change. In doing so, it includes discussions on a wide array of issues including women's empowerment and political participation, ethno-religious tensions, plurilingualism, education reform, community-based healthcare, climate change, disaster management, ecological systems, and vulnerability reduction. Two core foundations are introduced for ensuring broader transformations. The first is the academic diplomacy project - a framework for an engaged academic enquiry focusing on causative, curative, transformative, and promotive factors. The second is a community driven collective struggle that serves as a grassroots possibility to facilitate positive social transformation by using locally available resources and enabling the participation of the resident population. As a whole, the book conveys the importance of a diversification of engagement at the grassroots level to strengthen the capacity of individuals as decisive stakeholders, where the process of social transformation makes communities more interconnected, interdependent, multicultural and vital in building an inclusive society."

Modern Myanmar/Burma is very much a creation of World War II, when the British colony was occupied by the Japanese, and its immediate aftermath. These years saw the rise of Aung San and his assassination, as well as the establishment of military forces by the Japanese (subsequently evolving into today's ruling junta) and a sharp escalation of inter-ethnic antagonism and violence. Today the military regime continues to survive despite strong opposition at home and abroad. Its resilience is often explained in human rights terms or by reference to close military engagement with drug-dealing war-lords.What is less recognized, however, is that not everywhere is Burma an international pariah state. By its inclusion within their fold, the ASEAN states have worked hard to 'normalise' Burma, and China has provided strong backing for the military regime. The Japanese government, which gave massive amounts of development aid to Burma before 1988, has pursued a policy of 'quiet dialogue' as a non-confrontational way of promoting economic and political reform. Tracing Burma-Japan relations since 1940, this volume will be of value not only for an understanding of post-war Japanese diplomacy and aid programmes, but also because it offers new material and insights on the ongoing story of Burma itself.

At a time when intense dynamics of urban development of Asian cities puzzle and disorient, Ideas of the City in Asian Settings offers knowledge about the concepts, representations, and ideas that lie beneath the historical and contemporary production of cities in Asia, in order to deepen our understanding of the processes and meanings of urban development in the continent. The book sheds more light on the vast array of rules and innovations and aspirations that make cities into complex objects that are continuously 'in the making'. Because Asian cities have experienced unprecedented dynamics of urban development during the last fifty years, they are considered as crucial places to question the perspectives that multiple actors project onto changing urban environments, as well as the evolution of the role of cities in globalisation.

Burma (Myanmar) is a Southeast Asian country that is emerging from crisis after more than a half century of hard-line military rule and cultural, diplomatic and economic isolation. With the dissolution of its military regime, the State Peace and Development Council, in 2011, a formally civilian but military-dominated constitutional government was inaugurated. By 2012, Burma's president, retired General Thein Sein, had established a working relationship with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the country's pro-democracy movement since 1988, and after a 2012 by-election she and members of her opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), entered the new Union Parliament as legislators. However, even with the election victory of Daw Suu Kyi and the NLD in the General Election of November 2015, Burma faces daunting challenges: it is still one of the poorest countries in Southeast, fissured by longstanding ethnic conflicts that have made a nationwide peace agreement elusive and its people's security and the environment are threatened by foreign economic exploitation. Religious discord is also widely evident, as Buddhist militants instigate violence against the country's religious minorities, especially Muslims. Today Burma's prospects are the most hopeful they have been for over half a century, as the country takes steps along the road to a more open society and economy. This edition of the Historical Dictionary of Burma (Myanmar) encompasses not only current developments, but also Burma's over 1,500 years-old recorded history and the most important features of its cultures, ethnicity, religions, society and economy. This is done through a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 700 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, politics, economy, foreign relations, religion, and culture.

Modern Myanmar/Burma is very much a creation of World War II, when the British colony was occupied by the Japanese, and its immediate aftermath. These years saw the rise of Aung San and his assassination, as well as the establishment of military forces by the Japanese (subsequently evolving into today's ruling junta) and a sharp escalation of inter-ethnic antagonism and violence. Today the military regime continues to survive despite strong opposition at home and abroad. Its resilience is often explained in human rights terms or by reference to close military engagement with drug-dealing war-lords. What is less recognized, however, is that not everywhere is Burma an international pariah state. By its inclusion within their fold, the ASEAN states have worked hard to 'normalise' Burma, and China has provided strong backing for the military regime. The Japanese government, which gave massive amounts of development aid to Burma before 1988, has pursued a policy of 'quiet dialogue' as a non-confrontational way of promoting economic and political reform. Tracing Burma-Japan relations since 1940, this volume will be of value not only for an understanding of post-war Japanese diplomacy and aid programmes, but also because it offers new material and insights on the ongoing story of Burma itself.