This book is the author's attempt to translate his knowledge of peace studies into the language of sociology, so that the former can be grasped as a more complete whole. It aims to increase interest among sociologists in issues of war and peace because they provide food for sociological thought.

All is not well in the World Trade Organization. Does a global economy require global institutions? One possible alternative is interregionalism: economic integration between two distinct regions. This book explores the logic of interregionalism by focusing on the European Union, which has pursued agreements with Latin America, East Asia, and the Southern Mediterranean, among others. Why has the EU pursued this strategy? Based on a novel theoretical framework, the authors in this book explore EU interregionalism to provide us with insight into this new emerging face of the international political economy.

All is not well in the World Trade Organization. Does a global economy require global institutions? One possible alternative is interregionalism: economic integration between two distinct regions. This book explores the logic of interregionalism by focusing on the European Union, which has pursued agreements with Latin America, East Asia, and the Southern Mediterranean, among others. Why has the EU pursued this strategy? Based on a novel theoretical framework, the authors in this book explore EU interregionalism to provide us with insight into this new emerging face of the international political economy.

This book is the author's attempt to translate his knowledge of peace studies into the language of sociology, so that the former can be grasped as a more complete whole. It aims to increase interest among sociologists in issues of war and peace because they provide food for sociological thought.

When the Nazis took power in 1933, most Germans did not foresee the oncoming storm. Many were wildly enthusiastic; some were alarmed; most were worried but trusted that things would work out. In short, they felt much as Americans have felt from time to time. Brian E. Fogarty's Fascism: Why Not Here? draws parallels between German culture of the early twentieth century and American culture today. While Fogarty postulates that it would take a confluence of events and circumstances to propel Americans into the arms of fascism, he concludes that it is not entirely unlikely. Today, less than a decade after his original warning, some of those events are beginning to unfold. As Americans become more divided, as formerly nonpartisan institutions are politicized, and as Congress becomes increasingly paralyzed, we are forced to ask: how do we respond to a political outsider's rally cries to "make America great again"? In examining the similarities and differences between Nazi Germany and America today, Fogarty finds many reasons for hope that Americans will not fall victim to such chauvinistic appeal, but he also finds plenty to worry about. He points out that contemporary Americans and Germans of the 1920s and 1930s share many similar values, ideals, fears, and beliefs. Fogarty's strong words of caution will resonate with anyone concerned about America's political future and the freedoms we too often take for granted.

When the Nazis took power in 1933, most Germans did not foresee the oncoming storm. Many were wildly enthusiastic; some were alarmed; most were worried but trusted that things would work out. In short, they felt much as Americans have felt from time to time. "Fascism: Why Not Here?" draws parallels between German culture of the early twentieth century and American culture today, concluding that fascism could arise in America but not through either of the major political parties. While Fogarty postulates that it would take a confluence of events and circumstances to propel Americans into the arms of fascism, he concludes that it is not entirely unlikely. If the war against terrorism were to become more costly and less effective, if the economy were to tailspin, and if we were to endure several other major terrorist attacks, how would we respond to a political outsider s bold and decisive plan to end partisan bickering and make America great again? In examining the similarities and differences between Nazi Germany and America today, Fogarty finds many reasons for hope that Americans would not fall victim to such a chauvinisitic appeal, but he also finds plenty to worry about. He points out that contemporary Americans and Germans of the 1920s and 1930s share many similar values, ideals, fears, and beliefs. Fogarty s strong words of caution will appeal to any reader who is concerned about America s political future and the freedoms we too often take for granted.