Gender and Social Capital brings together leading scholars to provide a critical analysis of the social capital thesis from a gendered perspective. Robert Putnam argues that women have played an important role in creating and sustaining stocks of social capital. Yet there has been relatively little in the way of sustained critical analysis of Putnam's thesis as it related to women, despite clear evidence of the existence of gendered patterns of associational involvement and women's numerical under-representation in democratic institutions. The contributors investigate several facets of the interaction between social capital and gender, including the gendered nature of associational involvement, the privileging of gender inequalities within the theoretical conception of social capital, the gendered use of social capital representation, and political consumerism as a form of social capital. The book provides a critique of Putnam's theory from several different approaches (theoretical, historical, comparative and empirical), drawing on original research from several advanced democracies (Belgium, Britain, Canada, Sweden and the United States).

National-level elections receive more attention from scholars and the media than elections at other levels, even though in many European countries the importance of both regional and European levels of government has grown in recent years. The growing importance of multiple electoral arenas suggests that scholars should be cautious about examining single levels in isolation. Taking the multilevel structure of electoral politics seriously requires a re-examination of how the incentives created by electoral institutions affect the behaviour of voters and party elites. The standard approach to analysing multilevel elections is the second-order election (SOE) model, in which national elections are considered to be first-order elections while other elections are second order. However, this model does not provide micro mechanisms that determine how elections in one arena affect those in another, or explain variations in individual voting behaviour. The objective of this book is to explain how party and voter behaviour in a given election is affected by the existence of multiple electoral arenas. It provides original qualitative and quantitative data to examine European, national, and subnational elections in France, Germany, and Spain from 2011-2015. The volume examines party mobilization efforts across multiple electoral arenas, as well as decisions by individual voters with respect to turnout, strategic voting, and accountability. This book provides the first systematic analysis of multilevel electoral politics at three different levels across multiple countries. Comparative Politics is a series for researchers, teachers, and students of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu. The series is edited by Emilie van Haute, Professor of Political Science, Universite libre de Bruxelles; Ferdinand Muller-Rommel, Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana University; and Susan Scarrow, Chair of the Department of Political Science, University of Houston.

Canada is often held up as an example of a healthy democracy. However, the Canadian public is less enthusiastic about the way our democracy works. This first-of-a-kind book approaches the "democratic deficit" from the perspective of everyday Canadians and assesses the performance of Parliament and the media in light of their perceptions and expectations. In doing so, a number of chapters highlight the disjuncture between perceptions and performance. Canadian Democracy from the Ground Up is essential for anyone who would like to learn how to build a better democracy - one that meets the expectations of the Canadian public.

Canada is often held up as an example of a healthy democracy. However, the Canadian public is less enthusiastic about the way our democracy works. This first-of-a-kind book approaches the "democratic deficit" from the perspective of everyday Canadians and assesses the performance of Parliament and the media in light of their perceptions and expectations. In doing so, a number of chapters highlight the disjuncture between perceptions and performance. Canadian Democracy from the Ground Up is essential for anyone who would like to learn how to build a better democracy - one that meets the expectations of the Canadian public.

Coming out of the 2000 Canadian federal election, the dominance of the Liberal Party seemed assured. By 2011 the situation had completely reversed: the Liberals suffered a crushing defeat, failing even to become the official opposition and recording their lowest ever share of the vote. "Dominance and Decline" provides a comprehensive, comparative account of Canadian election outcomes from 2000 through to 2008. The book explores the meaning of those outcomes within the context of the larger changes that have marked Canada's party system since 1988. It also shows how these trends were consistent with the outcome of the 2011 federal election. Throughout the book a variety of voting theories are revisited and reassessed in light of this analysis.

Citizens are at the heart of any meaningful definition of democracy. So what does it say about the health of Canadian democracy when fewer citizens are exercising their right to vote and party membership rolls are shrinking? Is an increasingly well-educated citizenry turning away from traditional electoral politics in search of more meaningful forms of democratic engagement? Or is an ever-wider swathe of Canadian society simply disengaging from politics altogether? This volume draws on a rich array of public opinion data to determine how engaged Canadians are in the country's democratic life and which Canadians are most - and least - engaged. Comparisons are made across generations and educational levels, between women and men, and haves and have-nots in Canadian society. Today's Canadians are compared with earlier generations and with the citizens of other established western democracies. volume raises challenging questions, not just about the interests and capabilities of Canadians as democratic citizens, but also about the performance of our democratic institutions. This is essential reading for politicians and policy-makers, students and scholars of Canadian politics, and all Canadians who care about the quality of Canadian democracy. A comprehensive assessment of how engaged Canadian citizens are in the nation's democratic life.