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In May 1997 a group of distinuished historians formed the Historical Society, an organisation that sought to be free of the jargon-laden debates and political agendas that have come to characterise the profession. In this, their first book the founding members explore central topics within the field including the enduring value of the practice of history, the sensitive use of historical records and sources and the value of common standards. This is an engaging and challenging work which will appeal to scholars, students and general reader alike.
This is a powerful exploration of the debilitating impact that
politically-correct "multiculturalism" has had upon higher
education and academic freedom in the United States. In the name of
diversity, many leading academic and cultural institutions are
working to silence dissent and stifle intellectual life. This book
exposes the real impact of multiculturalism on the institution most
closely identified with the politically correct decline of higher
education--Stanford University. Authored by two Stanford graduates,
this book is a compelling insider's tour of a world of speech
codes, "dumbed-down" admissions standards and curricula, campus
witch hunts, and anti-Western zealotry that masquerades as
legitimate scholarly inquiry. Sacks and Thiel use numerous primary
sources--the Stanford Daily, class readings, official university
publications--to reveal a pattern of politicized classes, housing,
budget priorities, and more. They trace the connections between
such disparate trends as political correctness, the gender wars,
Generation X nihilism, and culture wars, showing how these have
played a role in shaping multiculturalism at institutions like
Stanford. The authors convincingly show that multiculturalism is
not about learning more; it is actually about learning less. They
end their comprehensive study by detailing the changes necessary to
reverse the tragic disintegration of American universities and
restore true academic excellence.
Slaveholders were preoccupied with presenting slavery as a benign,
paternalistic institution in which the planter took care of his
family and slaves were content with their fate. In this book,
Eugene D. Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese discuss how
slaveholders perpetuated and rationalized this romanticized version
of life on the plantation. Slaveholders' paternalism had little to
do with ostensible benevolence, kindness and good cheer. It grew
out of the necessity to discipline and morally justify a system of
exploitation. At the same time, this book also advocates the
examination of masters' relations with white plantation laborers
and servants - a largely unstudied subject. Southerners drew on the
work of British and European socialists to conclude that all labor,
white and black, suffered de facto slavery, and they championed the
South's 'Christian slavery' as the most humane and compassionate of
social systems, ancient and modern.
In arguing that feminism has neither adequately acknowledged its
ties to individualism nor squarely faced the extent to which many
of its campaigns for social justice are based on the insistence of
rights for the individual over good of the community, this study
analyzes current political theory and its application to
affirmative action, comparative worth and abortion rights. The
author also examines the debate over feminist history and the
relationship between feminism and postmodernism.
Southern slaveholders proudly pronounced themselves orthodox
Christians, who accepted responsibility for the welfare of the
people who worked for them. They proclaimed that their slaves
enjoyed a better and more secure life than any laboring class in
the world. Now, did it not follow that the lives of laborers of all
races across the world would be immeasurably improved by their
enslavement? In the Old South but in no other slave society a
doctrine emerged among leading clergymen, politicians, and
intellectuals-- "Slavery in the Abstract," which declared
enslavement the best possible condition for all labor regardless of
race. They joined the Socialists, whom they studied, in believing
that the free-labor system, wracked by worsening class warfare, was
collapsing. A vital question: to what extent did the people of the
several social classes of the South accept so extreme a doctrine?
That question lies at the heart of this book.
Southern slaveholders proudly pronounced themselves orthodox
Christians, who accepted responsibility for the welfare of the
people who worked for them. They proclaimed that their slaves
enjoyed a better and more secure life than any laboring class in
the world. Now, did it not follow that the lives of laborers of all
races across the world would be immeasurably improved by their
enslavement? In the Old South but in no other slave society a
doctrine emerged among leading clergymen, politicians, and
intellectuals-- "Slavery in the Abstract," which declared
enslavement the best possible condition for all labor regardless of
race. They joined the Socialists, whom they studied, in believing
that the free-labor system, wracked by worsening class warfare, was
collapsing. A vital question: to what extent did the people of the
several social classes of the South accept so extreme a doctrine?
That question lies at the heart of this book.
The Mind of the Master Class tells of America's greatest historical
tragedy. It presents the slaveholders as men and women, a great
many of whom were intelligent, honorable, and pious. It asks how
people who were admirable in so many ways could have presided over
a social system that proved itself an enormity and inflicted
horrors on their slaves. The South had formidable proslavery
intellectuals who participated fully in transatlantic debates and
boldly challenged an ascendant capitalist ('free-labor') society.
Blending classical and Christian traditions, they forged a moral
and political philosophy designed to sustain conservative
principles in history, political economy, social theory, and
theology, while translating them into political action. Even those
who judge their way of life most harshly have much to learn from
their probing moral and political reflections on their times - and
ours - beginning with the virtues and failings of their own society
and culture.
The Mind of the Master Class tells of America's greatest historical
tragedy. It presents the slaveholders as men and women, a great
many of whom were intelligent, honorable, and pious. It asks how
people who were admirable in so many ways could have presided over
a social system that proved itself an enormity and inflicted
horrors on their slaves. The South had formidable proslavery
intellectuals who participated fully in transatlantic debates and
boldly challenged an ascendant capitalist ('free-labor') society.
Blending classical and Christian traditions, they forged a moral
and political philosophy designed to sustain conservative
principles in history, political economy, social theory, and
theology, while translating them into political action. Even those
who judge their way of life most harshly have much to learn from
their probing moral and political reflections on their times - and
ours - beginning with the virtues and failings of their own society
and culture.
An international collection of the world's most distinguished
historians and political philosophers takes a fresh look at the
political, legal, and philosophical contributions of Thomas
Jefferson. The insightful essays analyze and illuminate the
sophisticated layers of the political and legal thought of
America's most influential and intellectually complex Founder. With
contributors that include Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Morton Frisch,
Paul Rahe, James Stoner, Robert K. Faulkner, John Zvesper, Howard
Temperly, Robert A. Rutland, Raoul Berger, Colin Bonwick, Peter
Parish, Jeffrey Sedgwick, J. R. Pole, Richard King, and Jean M.
Yarborough, this is essential reading for historians and political
philosophers.
Documenting the difficult class relations between women
slaveholders and slave women, this study shows how class and race
as well as gender shaped women's experiences and determined their
identities. Drawing upon massive research in diaries, letters,
memoirs, and oral histories, the author argues that the lives of
antebellum southern women, enslaved and free, differed
fundamentally from those of northern women and that it is not
possible to understand antebellum southern women by applying models
derived from New England sources. |A powerful historical study in
which the author's use of letters, memoirs, oral histories, as well
as extensive archival sources bring black and white women's lives
and identities to light in the antebellum South. ""Elizabeth
Fox-Genovese undertakes the enormous tasks of telling the life
stories of the last generation of black and white women of the Old
South, and of analyzing the meanings of these connected stories as
a way of illuminating both Southern and women's history--tasks at
which she succeeds brilliantly.""--Mechal Sobel, New York Times
Book Review ""[A] well-written and thoroughly researched social
history.""-- New Yorker
In the troubled days before the American Civil War, both Northern
protectionists and Southern free trade economists saw political
economy as the key to understanding the natural laws on which every
republican political order should be based. They believed that
individual freedom was one such law of nature and that this freedom
required a market economy in which citizens could freely pursue
their particular economic interests and goals. But Northern and
Southern thinkers alike feared that the pursuit of wealth in a
market economy might lead to the replacement of the independent
producer by the wage laborer. A worker without property is a
potential rebel, and so the freedom and commerce that give birth to
such a worker would seem to be incompatible with preserving the
content citizenry necessary for a stable, republican political
order. Around the resolution of this dilemma revolved the great
debate on the desirability of slavery in this country. Northern
protectionists argued that independent labor must be protected at
the same time that capitalist development is encouraged. Southern
free trade economists answered that the formation of a propertyless
class is inevitable; to keep the nation from anarchy and rebellion,
slavery-justified by racism-must be preserved at any cost. Battles
of the economists such as these left little room for political
compromise between North and South as the antebellum United States
confronted the corrosive effects of capitalist development. And
slavery's retardant effect on the Southern economy ultimately
created a rift within the South between those who sought to make
slavery more like capitalism and those who sought to make
capitalism more like slavery.
Slaveholders were preoccupied with presenting slavery as a benign,
paternalistic institution in which the planter took care of his
family and slaves were content with their fate. In this book,
Eugene D. Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese discuss how
slaveholders perpetuated and rationalized this romanticized version
of life on the plantation. Slaveholders' paternalism had little to
do with ostensible benevolence, kindness and good cheer. It grew
out of the necessity to discipline and morally justify a system of
exploitation. At the same time, this book also advocates the
examination of masters' relations with white plantation laborers
and servants - a largely unstudied subject. Southerners drew on the
work of British and European socialists to conclude that all labor,
white and black, suffered de facto slavery, and they championed the
South's 'Christian slavery' as the most humane and compassionate of
social systems, ancient and modern.
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