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Cyberwarfare, like the seismic shift of policy with nuclear
warfare, is modifying warfare into non-war warfare. A few
distinctive characteristics of cyberwar emerge. Cyberwarfare has
blurred the distinction between adversary and ally. Cyber probes
continuously occur between allies and enemies alike, causing
cyberespionage to merge with warfare. Espionage, as old as war
itself, has technologically merged with acts of cyberwar as states
threaten each other with prepositioned malware in each other's
cyberespionage probed infrastructure. These two cyber shifts to
warfare are agreed upon and followed by the US, Russia and China.
What is not agreed upon in this shifting era of warfare are the
policies upon which cyberwarfare is based. This book charts the
policies in three key actors and navigates the futures of policy on
an international stage.
Cyberwarfare, like the seismic shift of policy with nuclear
warfare, is modifying warfare into non-war warfare. A few
distinctive characteristics of cyberwar emerge. Cyberwarfare has
blurred the distinction between adversary and ally. Cyber probes
continuously occur between allies and enemies alike, causing
cyberespionage to merge with warfare. Espionage, as old as war
itself, has technologically merged with acts of cyberwar as states
threaten each other with prepositioned malware in each other's
cyberespionage probed infrastructure. These two cyber shifts to
warfare are agreed upon and followed by the US, Russia and China.
What is not agreed upon in this shifting era of warfare are the
policies upon which cyberwarfare is based. This book charts the
policies in three key actors and navigates the futures of policy on
an international stage.
Since the tragic events of September 11, Central Asia has been
drawn into the intense struggle of the international community
against the forces of religious extremism and transnational crime.
The great powers were able to put aside their geopolitical
differences in order to crush al-Qaeda and the Taliban. With the
marginalization of the Taliban and the eviction of al-Qaeda from
Afghanistan, however, the tension between the great powers is
notably increasing, as is the discomfort of Central Asian states
who find themselves, their political development, and their oil
reserves in the middle of a renewed Great Game. Islam, Oil, and
Geopolitics is a truly international volume, including chapters
written by senior scholars, upcoming students in the field,
prominent diplomats, and renowned academics from Russia, China, the
United States, and the Central Asian republics. They collaborate to
focus on three important issues that are usually-and
unfortunately-analyzed separately: Islamic political issues, energy
security, and geopolitical maneuvering. Once an obscure and
little-known region, Central Asia has become an important test of
America's ability to consistently promote global liberal change, of
Russia's true foreign policy agenda, and of China's readiness to
translate economic power into political influence. Terrorism,
economics, and politics all converge in this strategic region, with
important implications for Asia and the world. This significant and
timely volume helps readers understand current events in Central
Asia and how those events affect the rest of the world.
Contributions by: Kamoludin Abdullaev, Rouben Azizian, Gaye
Christoffersen, Elizabeth Van Wie Davis, Feng Shaolei, Pan Guang,
Shireen Hunter, Alisher Khamidov, Mikhail A. Konarovsky, Najibullah
Lafraie, Murat Laumulin, Sergey I. Lounev, Aleksei V. Malashenko,
Orhon Myadar, Manabu Shimizu, Thomas W. Simons Jr., Robert Smith,
Sergei Troush, Kang Wu, and Shi Yinhong.
Since the tragic events of September 11, Central Asia has been
drawn into the intense struggle of the international community
against the forces of religious extremism and transnational crime.
The great powers were able to put aside their geopolitical
differences in order to crush al-Qaeda and the Taliban. With the
marginalization of the Taliban and the eviction of al-Qaeda from
Afghanistan, however, the tension between the great powers is
notably increasing, as is the discomfort of Central Asian states
who find themselves, their political development, and their oil
reserves in the middle of a renewed Great Game. Islam, Oil, and
Geopolitics is a truly international volume, including chapters
written by senior scholars, upcoming students in the field,
prominent diplomats, and renowned academics from Russia, China, the
United States, and the Central Asian republics. They collaborate to
focus on three important issues that are usually-and
unfortunately-analyzed separately: Islamic political issues, energy
security, and geopolitical maneuvering. Once an obscure and
little-known region, Central Asia has become an important test of
America's ability to consistently promote global liberal change, of
Russia's true foreign policy agenda, and of China's readiness to
translate economic power into political influence. Terrorism,
economics, and politics all converge in this strategic region, with
important implications for Asia and the world. This significant and
timely volume helps readers understand current events in Central
Asia and how those events affect the rest of the world.
Contributions by: Kamoludin Abdullaev, Rouben Azizian, Gaye
Christoffersen, Elizabeth Van Wie Davis, Feng Shaolei, Pan Guang,
Shireen Hunter, Alisher Khamidov, Mikhail A. Konarovsky, Najibullah
Lafraie, Murat Laumulin, Sergey I. Lounev, Aleksei V. Malashenko,
Orhon Myadar, Manabu Shimizu, Thomas W. Simons Jr., Robert Smith,
Sergei Troush, Kang Wu, and Shi Yinhong.
China is growing in importance to the economies and governments of
the world, and it has been run by men with very different ideas.
How China copes with the pressures for good governance with the
Asian economic model, treats its ethnic minorities under scrutiny,
and gathers resources to fuel its dynamic economy, impacts us all.
China is not an easy country to rule: it is experiencing rapid
growth and with it rapid social change. Resources and religion are
two of the most difficult of its challenges, and their combination
with ethnicity is not unique to China. It may well be one of the
major underlying currents of the 21st century and is present
throughout Asia-with the Baloch of Pakistan, the Kurds of Iraq and
Turkey, and the Timorese of the former island of East Timor in
Indonesia, now Timor-Lest. In all these nations, as in China,
ethnic identity, often united with religious differences, is driven
by the presence of valuable resources to create a nationalism with
economic underpinnings. However, as Van Wie Davis shows, with China
the outcome is vital, as how it copes with the pressures for good
governance with the Asian economic model, treats its ethnic
minorities under scrutiny, and gathers resources to fuel its
dynamic economy impacts us all.
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