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Our memory of Sixties New Left radicals often evokes marches in the
streets, battles with the police, or urban bombings. However, the
New Left was a multi-faceted movement, with diverse tendencies. One
of these tendencies promoted electoral as the way to change
America. In every city that was a center of New Left activism, this
"Electoral New Left" entered the political arena. A surprisingly
large number of these New Left radicals were elected to office:
City Council, Mayor, State Senate, even the U.S. Senate. Once in
office, they persisted and prevailed. Cities and places we think of
today as eternally liberal-Berkeley, Madison, Ann Arbor, even the
state of Vermont-were, deeply conservative and deeply Republican
before the triumphs of the local Electoral New Left. These
"Radicals in Power," however, brought about a lasting political
realignment in their locales, and embodied the vision of a better
future that was at the heart of all New Left activism. However, the
accomplishments of the Electoral New Left, even its very existence,
are almost completely unexplored. Historians of the social and
political movements of the Sixties have focused on anti-Vietnam War
protest movements, or on the Revolutionary New Left. Radicals in
Power corrects that oversight and, in doing so, rewrites the
history of the Sixties and the New Left. Based on interviews with
the elected New Left radicals in each of their cities, Davin
details the birth and evolution of a local and regional progressive
politics that has, heretofore, been overlooked.
Our memory of Sixties New Left radicals often evokes marches in the
streets, battles with the police, or urban bombings. However, the
New Left was a multi-faceted movement, with diverse tendencies. One
of these tendencies promoted electoral as the way to change
America. In every city that was a center of New Left activism, this
"Electoral New Left" entered the political arena. A surprisingly
large number of these New Left radicals were elected to office:
City Council, Mayor, State Senate, even the U.S. Senate. Once in
office, they persisted and prevailed. Cities and places we think of
today as eternally liberal-Berkeley, Madison, Ann Arbor, even the
state of Vermont-were, deeply conservative and deeply Republican
before the triumphs of the local Electoral New Left. These
"Radicals in Power," however, brought about a lasting political
realignment in their locales, and embodied the vision of a better
future that was at the heart of all New Left activism. However, the
accomplishments of the Electoral New Left, even its very existence,
are almost completely unexplored. Historians of the social and
political movements of the Sixties have focused on anti-Vietnam War
protest movements, or on the Revolutionary New Left. Radicals in
Power corrects that oversight and, in doing so, rewrites the
history of the Sixties and the New Left. Based on interviews with
the elected New Left radicals in each of their cities, Davin
details the birth and evolution of a local and regional progressive
politics that has, heretofore, been overlooked.
This book explores the relation between democracy and
industrialization in United States history. Over the course of the
1930s, the political center almost disappeared as the Democratic
New Deal became the litmus test of class, with blue collar workers
providing its bedrock of support while white collar workers and
those in the upper-income levels opposed it. By 1948 the class
cleavage in American politics was as pronounced as in many of the
Western European countries-such as France, Italy, Germany, or
Britain-with which we usually associate class politics. Working
people created a new America in the 1930s and 1940s which was a
fundamental departure from the feudalistic and hierarchical America
that existed before. They won the political rights of American
citizenship which had been previously denied them. They
democratized labor-capital relations and gained more economic
security than they had ever known. They obtained more economic
opportunity for them and their children than they had ever known
and they created a respect for ethnic workers, which had not
previously existed. In the process, class politics re-defined the
political agenda of America as-for the first time in American
history-the political universe polarized along class lines. Eric
Leif Davin explores the meaning of the New Deal political
mobilization by ordinary people by examining the changes it brought
to the local, county, and state levels in Pittsburgh, Allegheny
County, and Pennsylvania as a whole.
This book explores the relation between democracy and
industrialization in United States history. Over the course of the
1930s, the political center almost disappeared as the Democratic
New Deal became the litmus test of class, with blue collar workers
providing its bedrock of support while white collar workers and
those in the upper-income levels opposed it. By 1948 the class
cleavage in American politics was as pronounced as in many of the
Western European countries-such as France, Italy, Germany, or
Britain-with which we usually associate class politics. Working
people created a new America in the 1930s and 1940s which was a
fundamental departure from the feudalistic and hierarchical America
that existed before. They won the political rights of American
citizenship which had been previously denied them. They
democratized labor-capital relations and gained more economic
security than they had ever known. They obtained more economic
opportunity for them and their children than they had ever known
and they created a respect for ethnic workers, which had not
previously existed. In the process, class politics re-defined the
political agenda of America as-for the first time in American
history-the political universe polarized along class lines. Eric
Leif Davin explores the meaning of the New Deal political
mobilization by ordinary people by examining the changes it brought
to the local, county, and state levels in Pittsburgh, Allegheny
County, and Pennsylvania as a whole.
Partners in Wonder revolutionizes our knowledge of women and early
science fiction. Contrary to accepted interpretations, women fans
and writers were a welcome and influential part of pulp science
fiction from the birth of the genre. Davin finds that at least 203
female authors, under their own female names, published over a
thousand stories in science fiction magazines between 1926 and
1965. This work explores the distinctly different form of science
fiction that females produced--one that was both more utopian and
more empathetic than that of their male counterparts. Partners in
Wonder presents, for the first time, a complete bibliography of
every story published by women writers in science fiction magazines
from 1926 to 1965 and brief biographies on 133 of these women
writers. It is thus the most comprehensive source of information on
early women science fiction writers yet available and of great
importance to scholars of women's studies, popular culture, and
English literature as well as science fiction.
The Paterson Silk Strike of 1913 was a major struggle in the
history of American labor. Over 25,000 Italian and Jewish workers
shut down Paterson's 300 silk mills and dye houses for almost five
months over the issue of workers' control of the rate of
production. It was the biggest strike in Paterson's history.
Workers overcame their differences in craft, nationality, and
gender; and their democratic self-organization became a school in
self-management. The workers invited the Industrial Workers of the
World (IWW) to aid them. The IWW included a stress on the active
role of workers in the strike and this revolutionary vision of
workers' control reached its fullest expression in the Paterson
Strike Pageant performed by the workers themselves in Madison
Square Garden. This was a revolutionary innovation in theater and
labor struggles which remains an inspiration to labor and the Left.
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