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This book covers the field of and points to the intersections
between politics, art and philosophy. Its hero, the late Sir Roger
Scruton had a longstanding interest in all fields, acquiring
professional knowledge in both the practice and theory of politics,
art and philosophy. The claim of the book is, therefore, that
contrary to a superficial prejudice, it is possible to address the
philosophical issues of art and politics in the same oeuvre, as the
example of this Cambridge-educated analytical philosopher proves.
Accordingly, the book has a bold thesis on the general, theoretical
level, mapping the connections between politics, art and
philosophy. However, it also has a pioneering commitment on the
level of the particular, offering the first full-length study into
the philosophical legacy of Roger Scruton, probably the most
important British conservative philosopher of the late 20th and the
first decades of the 21st century. It also allows reader to look
into the philosopher's fascination with Central European art and
culture. Finally, it also provides a daring analysis of the late
Scruton's metaphysical inspirations, connecting the arts, and
especially music, with religion and the bonds of love.
Bringing prudence back into the centre of political philosophical
discussion, this book assesses how far the Aristotelian notion can
be of use in thinking about politics today. Antique, medieval and
early modern discussions on practical wisdom are reconstructed and
re-contextualised to show not only how our understanding of the
virtue of 'prudence' has changed over time, but why it should be
revived. Starting with basic Aristotelian principles, such as the
relevance of cooperation and politics in human life, the
significance of the virtues and character-formation for political
actors, and the personal and communal resources of right action in
politics, Ferenc Hoercher offers an evolutionary history of the
concept of prudence. Moving on to incorporate the developments of
the Roman and the Christian traditions, a contemporary
conservative-republican political philosophy is built up. Special
attention is given to the relevance of local customs and traditions
as well as participation, compromise and moderation in political
activity. The book demonstrates that Aristotelian notions should be
used to describe the actions and speeches of people active in
politics, without losing sight of the normative dimension. In doing
so, it presents an original argument which is both different from
mainstream contemporary political philosophy and beneficial to our
understanding of the role of practical reason in politics.
Bringing prudence back into the centre of political philosophical
discussion, this book assesses how far the Aristotelian notion can
be of use in thinking about politics today. Antique, medieval and
early modern discussions on practical wisdom are reconstructed and
re-contextualised to show not only how our understanding of the
virtue of 'prudence' has changed over time, but why it should be
revived. Starting with basic Aristotelian principles, such as the
relevance of cooperation and politics in human life, the
significance of the virtues and character-formation for political
actors, and the personal and communal resources of right action in
politics, Ferenc Hoercher offers an evolutionary history of the
concept of prudence. Moving on to incorporate the developments of
the Roman and the Christian traditions, a contemporary
conservative-republican political philosophy is built up. Special
attention is given to the relevance of local customs and traditions
as well as participation, compromise and moderation in political
activity. The book demonstrates that Aristotelian notions should be
used to describe the actions and speeches of people active in
politics, without losing sight of the normative dimension. In doing
so, it presents an original argument which is both different from
mainstream contemporary political philosophy and beneficial to our
understanding of the role of practical reason in politics.
The Political Philosophy of the European City is a courageous and
wide-ranging panorama of the political life and thought of the
European city. Its novel hypothesis is that modern Western
political thought, since the time of Hobbes and Locke,
underestimated the political significance and value of the
community of urban citizens, called 'civitas', united by local
customs, or even a formal or informal urban constitution at a
certain location, which had a recognizable countenance, with
natural and man-made, architectural marks, called 'urbs'. Recalling
the golden age of the European city in ancient Greece and Rome, and
offering a detailed description of its turbulent life in the
Renaissance Italian city-states, it makes a case for the city not
only as a hotbed of modern democracy, but also as a remedy for some
of the distortions of political life in the alienated contemporary,
centralized, Weberian bureaucratic state. Overcoming the
north-south divide, or the core and periphery partition, the book's
material is particularly rich in Central European case studies. All
in all, it is an enjoyable read which offers sound arguments to
revisit the offer of the small and middle-sized European town, in
search of a more sustainable future for Europe.
The Political Philosophy of the European City is a courageous and
wide-ranging panorama of the political life and thought of the
European city. Its novel hypothesis is that modern Western
political thought, since the time of Hobbes and Locke,
underestimated the political significance and value of the
community of urban citizens, called 'civitas', united by local
customs, or even a formal or informal urban constitution at a
certain location, which had a recognizable countenance, with
natural and man-made, architectural marks, called 'urbs'. Recalling
the golden age of the European city in ancient Greece and Rome, and
offering a detailed description of its turbulent life in the
Renaissance Italian city-states, it makes a case for the city not
only as a hotbed of modern democracy, but also as a remedy for some
of the distortions of political life in the alienated contemporary,
centralized, Weberian bureaucratic state. Overcoming the
north-south divide, or the core and periphery partition, the book's
material is particularly rich in Central European case studies. All
in all, it is an enjoyable read which offers sound arguments to
revisit the offer of the small and middle-sized European town, in
search of a more sustainable future for Europe.
In the first half of the twentieth century, the rationalist tide
had reached its high mark in the arts, politics, and work. But the
Holocaust, the Gulag, and other failures have dimmed the popularity
of rationalism. However, the evidence of those practical failures
would not have been as convincing as it was if not for the
existence of a theoretical diagnosis of the malady. This book
compares and contrasts the ideas of some of the leading
twentieth-century critics of rationalism: Hans-Georg Gadamer, F.A.
Hayek, Aurel Kolnai, Alasdair MacIntyre, Michael Oakeshott, Michael
Polanyi, Gilbert Ryle, Eric Voegelin, and Ludwig Wittgenstein.
While each can be seen as a critic of rationalism, were they each
attacking the same thing? In what senses did their analyses
overlap, and in what senses did they differ? Clarifying these
issues, this book will provide important insights into this major
intellectual trend of the past century. By including these major
thinkers, Tradition v. Rationalism, we see that that these thinkers
believed that tradition should still have a place in the world as a
repository of wisdom. As our lives becomes increasingly dominated
by various forms of rationalisms-whether political, technological,
economic, or cultural-we need to ask ourselves whether this is the
type of world in which we want to live; and if not, how can we
critique and propose an alternative to it? The thinkers in this
book provide us a starting point on our journey towards thinking
about how we can have a more hopeful, humane, and brighter future.
The new Hungarian Basic Law, which was ratified on 1 January 2012,
provoked domestic and international controversy. Of particular
concern was the constitutional text's explicit claim that it was
situated within a reinvigorated Hungarian legal tradition that had
allegedly developed over centuries before its violent interruption
during World War II by German invaders, and later, by Soviet
occupation. To explore the context and validity of this claim, and
the legal traditions which have informed the stormy centuries of
Hungary's constitutional development, this book brings together a
group of leading historians, political scientists and legal
scholars to produce a comprehensive history of Hungarian
constitutional thought. Ranging in scope from an overview of
Hungarian medieval jurisprudence to an assessment of the various
criticisms levelled at the new Hungarian Basic Law of 2012,
contributors assess the constitutions, their impacts and their
legacies, as well as the social and cultural contexts within which
they were drafted. The historical analysis is accompanied by a
selection of original source materials, many translated here for
the first time. This is the only book in English on the subject and
is essential reading for all those interested in Hungary's history,
political culture and constitution.
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