This publication shows that the Eastern Mediterranean, having been transformed from a region of secondary importance during the Cold War to one of greater importance for the western interests in the post-Cold War era, is in a state of flux. Despite sporadic periods of rapprochement, tensions between Greece and Turkey still exist. Therefore, one must question the grounds behind the lack of normal relations that exist between these two NATO members and its effects on the NATO organisation as a whole. Hence, this volume has two purposes first, to examine Greek and Turkish foreign, security and defence policies during and after the post-Cold War period and second, to investigate why these policies have been formulated.

The new model of intervention that emerged from Bosnia and Kosovo signalled a revolution in International Affairs. The crises in the Balkans revealed a new division of labor among Western states: US forces are primarily responsible for military action while European partners are more committed to Peace Support Operations and the subsequent building of "security communities" via integration into the NATO and EU. This model has been evidenced in the post-9/11 "war on terror." Here Moustakis and German examine the emergence and practice of this new Western model of intervention, which combines "hard"/military and "soft"/peace approaches, and assess its success and failures in the light of recent operations in Bosnia, Kosovo, Chechnya, Georgia, and Nagorno-Karabakh. The fragile democratization processes unfolding in the Balkans and the Caucasus offer important insights into the challenges of securing volatile regions and peripheries.

This publication shows that the Eastern Mediterranean, having been transformed from a region of secondary importance during the Cold War to one of greater importance for the western interests in the post-Cold War era, is in a state of flux. Despite sporadic periods of rapprochement, tensions between Greece and Turkey still exist. Therefore, one must question the grounds behind the lack of normal relations that exist between these two NATO members and its effects on the NATO organisation as a whole. Hence, this volume has two purposes first, to examine Greek and Turkish foreign, security and defence policies during and after the post-Cold War period and second, to investigate why these policies have been formulated.