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The Soviet Union and National Liberation Movements in the Third
World (1988) is a systematic comparison of Soviet theory about, and
actual behaviour toward, movements for national liberation in the
Third World. In this definitive study, Professor Golan demonstrates
that Soviet behaviour toward such movements is consistent with
Soviet theory as stated in the writings and speeches of high-level
influential within the Party, military and academic communities. In
so doing, she advances our understanding of the 'rules of thumb'
that Soviet leaders appeared to follow in deciding whether and how
to assist the varied types of 'anti-imperialist' and separatist
movements in the developing world. The first part of the book
provides a detailed analysis of the various schools of thought
among Soviet writers concerning different aspects of national
liberation movements, and the second part analyses actual Soviet
behaviour toward numerous movements around the world.
Examining the Israeli-Arab conflict as an "intractable conflict,"
Israeli Peacemaking since 1967 seeks to determine just which
factors, or combination of factors, impacted on Israel's position
in past peace-making efforts, possibly accounting for breakthroughs
or failures to reach agreement. From King Hussein's little known
overtures immediately after the Six-Day War, through President
Sadat's futile efforts to avoid war in the early 1970s, to repeated
third-party-mediated talks with Syria, factors including
deep-seated mistrust, leadership style, and domestic political
spoilers contributed to failures even as public opinion and
international circumstances may have been favourable. How these and
other factors intervened, changed or were handled, allowing for the
few breakthroughs (with Egypt and Jordan) or the near breakthrough
of the Annapolis process with the Palestinians, provides not only
an understanding of the past but possible keys for future
Israeli-Arab peace efforts. Employing extensive use of archival
material, as well as interviews and thorough research of available
sources, this book provides insight on just which factors, or
combination of factors, account for breakthroughs or failures to
reach agreement; a framework useful for examining both the
Israeli-Arab conflict and intractable conflicts in general.
As the recent revolutions in the Middle East have demonstrated,
civil society in this part of the world is on the move. The
increasingly important role of non-state actors - a phenomenon of
globalization- has characterized developments throughout the
region, affecting the struggle for democracy and for peace. This
volume brings together scholars primarily form the region to
analyse the varied activities and contributions of NGOs, the
private sector and the new media, from Morocco to Iran, along with
the involvement of diaspora groups. The chapter on facebook in the
recent Egyptian revolution captures the role of this new media
while the study on similar technology in Iran outlines the barriers
raised by the authorities in the current struggles there. Even the
fledgling process of democratization in Saudi Arabia is driven by
non-state actors while the veteran women's movements in the Maghreb
serve as an example for the post-Arab spring era in those
countries. Providing one of the first assessments of the role of
non-state actors in the Middle East, this book will be essential
reading for students of Political Science, Sociology and Civil
Society, amongst others.
As the recent revolutions in the Middle East have demonstrated,
civil society in this part of the world is on the move. The
increasingly important role of non-state actors - a phenomenon of
globalization- has characterized developments throughout the
region, affecting the struggle for democracy and for peace. This
volume brings together scholars primarily form the region to
analyse the varied activities and contributions of NGOs, the
private sector and the new media, from Morocco to Iran, along with
the involvement of diaspora groups. The chapter on facebook in the
recent Egyptian revolution captures the role of this new media
while the study on similar technology in Iran outlines the barriers
raised by the authorities in the current struggles there. Even the
fledgling process of democratization in Saudi Arabia is driven by
non-state actors while the veteran women's movements in the Maghreb
serve as an example for the post-Arab spring era in those
countries. Providing one of the first assessments of the role of
non-state actors in the Middle East, this book will be essential
reading for students of Political Science, Sociology and Civil
Society, amongst others.
For as long as people have been working to bring peace to areas
suffering long-standing, violent conflict, there have also been
those working to spoil this peace. These "spoilers" work to disrupt
the peace process, and often this disruption takes the form of
violence on a catastrophic level. Galia Golan and Gilead Sher offer
a broader perspective. They examine this phenomenon by analyzing
groups who have spoiled or attempted to spoil peace efforts by
political or other nonviolent means. By focusing in particular on
the Israeli-Arab conflict, this collection of essays considers the
impact of a democratic society operating within a broader context
of violence. Contributors bring to light the surprising efforts of
negotiators, members of the media, political leaders, and even the
courts to disrupt the peace process, and they offer coping
strategies for addressing this kind of disruption. Taking into
account the multitude of factors that can lead to the breakdown of
negotiations, Spoiling and Coping with Spoilers shows how spoilers
have been a key factor in Israeli-Arab negotiations in the past and
explores how they will likely shape negotiations in the future.
Examining the Israeli-Arab conflict as an "intractable conflict,"
Israeli Peacemaking since 1967 seeks to determine just which
factors, or combination of factors, impacted on Israel's position
in past peace-making efforts, possibly accounting for breakthroughs
or failures to reach agreement. From King Hussein's little known
overtures immediately after the Six-Day War, through President
Sadat's futile efforts to avoid war in the early 1970s, to repeated
third-party-mediated talks with Syria, factors including
deep-seated mistrust, leadership style, and domestic political
spoilers contributed to failures even as public opinion and
international circumstances may have been favourable. How these and
other factors intervened, changed or were handled, allowing for the
few breakthroughs (with Egypt and Jordan) or the near breakthrough
of the Annapolis process with the Palestinians, provides not only
an understanding of the past but possible keys for future
Israeli-Arab peace efforts. Employing extensive use of archival
material, as well as interviews and thorough research of available
sources, this book provides insight on just which factors, or
combination of factors, account for breakthroughs or failures to
reach agreement; a framework useful for examining both the
Israeli-Arab conflict and intractable conflicts in general.
This is an autobiography of an unusual and versatile woman,
focusing on her academic development and achievements as well as
her international activism. In addition to a discussion of the
origins and path of the author's academic work and activism (for
peace and for women's rights), that deals with the author's work in
US intelligence and immigration to Israel in the 1960s, the volume
includes ground-breaking articles from the different, often
controversial areas of her academic specializations (Czechoslovak
communism, Soviet foreign policy; peace studies, the Arab-Israeli
conflict; women's rights). The volume also includes photos of the
author at work and in action. - The book offers an inside look at a
lifetime of courageous activities and ground breaking intellectual
pursuits of a woman who was a leader in her academic field and in
the struggle for peace and for women's rights. - The included texts
themselves shed light on important topics, both past and present,
including the Israeli-Arab Conflict and also the issue of women and
peace.
For as long as people have been working to bring peace to areas
suffering long-standing, violent conflict, there have also been
those working to spoil this peace. These "spoilers" work to disrupt
the peace process, and often this disruption takes the form of
violence on a catastrophic level. Galia Golan and Gilead Sher offer
a broader perspective. They examine this phenomenon by analyzing
groups who have spoiled or attempted to spoil peace efforts by
political or other nonviolent means. By focusing in particular on
the Israeli-Arab conflict, this collection of essays considers the
impact of a democratic society operating within a broader context
of violence. Contributors bring to light the surprising efforts of
negotiators, members of the media, political leaders, and even the
courts to disrupt the peace process, and they offer coping
strategies for addressing this kind of disruption. Taking into
account the multitude of factors that can lead to the breakdown of
negotiations, Spoiling and Coping with Spoilers shows how spoilers
have been a key factor in Israeli-Arab negotiations in the past and
explores how they will likely shape negotiations in the future.
This is an autobiography of an unusual and versatile woman,
focusing on her academic development and achievements as well as
her international activism. In addition to a discussion of the
origins and path of the author's academic work and activism (for
peace and for women's rights), that deals with the author's work in
US intelligence and immigration to Israel in the 1960s, the volume
includes ground-breaking articles from the different, often
controversial areas of her academic specializations (Czechoslovak
communism, Soviet foreign policy; peace studies, the Arab-Israeli
conflict; women's rights). The volume also includes photos of the
author at work and in action. - The book offers an inside look at a
lifetime of courageous activities and ground breaking intellectual
pursuits of a woman who was a leader in her academic field and in
the struggle for peace and for women's rights. - The included texts
themselves shed light on important topics, both past and present,
including the Israeli-Arab Conflict and also the issue of women and
peace.
The Oslo Accords, inaugurated with the historic Rabin-Arafat
handshake on the White House lawn, marked a promising breakthrough
for resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. These Accords,
however, turned out to be but the first in a series of numerous
proposals and plans over the next ten years, all designed to cope
with repeated failures and disappointments as well as the major
issues of the conflict itself. Golan explores these plans and
proposals, concentrating on the key issues addressed by the parties
directly involved, along with the contributions of the Americans,
the Quartet as a whole, and the Arab League. This book is a
valuable resource for understanding the conflict, the issues
involved and the prospects for peaceful resolution.
Despite considerable progress in research and practice in the
constructive transformation of intractable conflicts beginning in
the 1970s, many terribly destructive conflicts have recently
erupted. New circumstances have emerged that have resulted in
regressions. The contributions in this book examine many of the new
challenges and obstacles to the transformation of intractable
conflicts. It also offers an array of new and promising
opportunities for constructive transformations. The book brings
together analyses of U.S.-based conflicts with those from many
regions of the world. International, intra-state, and local
conflicts are explored, along with those that have been violent and
non-violent. The diversity in disciplines among the authors
provides a wide range of theoretical approaches to explaining how a
variety of intractable conflicts can be transformed. Case studies
of local, national, and transnational conflicts serve to illustrate
this new landscape. These analyses are complemented by conceptual
discussions relating to new conflict systems, actors, dynamics and
strategies. Policy implications of findings are also presented.
The twenty- first century has brought with it a shift from the
notion of human security being located in secure national borders
to the need to secure the safety, freedom, and dignity of all.
Despite efforts to equalize women's status in the world evidenced
by changes in many international projects requiring a gender focus,
women and men experience most of the world in very different ways
according to gender. Further, the reality is that humans who do not
all fall neatly into one of these categories - male or female -
often find their lives further challenged. In the 1980s, Peace and
Conflict Studies first began to acknowledge and study the different
experiences males and females have during war and peace. Since
then, there have been books about women and war, women working at
grassroots levels to build peace, women and transitional justice,
women and peace education, and women's views of human security. All
of these works have contributed to the discourse of our changing
world. This book brings together some of those themes and voices
and adds more with the final product being more than the sum of its
parts. We add to the conversation a book that considers
foundational/fundamental issues that span from the interpersonal to
the global. Many of the chapters describe empirical research
completed with author and community, shared here for the first
time. Part One is a collection of case studies, documenting
challenges and responses to peacebuilding by women from various
parts of the world. Part Two focuses on Peace and Conflict Studies
(PACS) as a discipline, examining not only what is, but also what
should be taught. This section critiques today's efforts at
teaching Peace and Conflict Studies and provides suggestions of how
this important work might be shared in more open and equitable
ways. Part Three enters territory found even less in the PACS
literature. In this section our authors confront patriarchy, engage
in a discussion about the contribution queer theory makes to PACS,
and tussle with the notion of inclusivity with considerations of
both gender and disability. It then ends with a discussion about
the contribution feminist methodologies make to PACS.
This 1977 book was undertaken with the purpose of determining the
degree of Soviet involvement in the Middle East crisis, from the
expulsion of the Soviet advisers from Egypt in 1972, through the
planning stage of the war and the war itself, up to the
disengagement agreements which in fact finally brought the war to a
close. Dr Golan first investigates Soviet interests in the region,
particularly in connection with the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the
relationships of these regional interests - be they strategic,
political, economic or ideological - to Soviet global interests.
There follows a detailed study of Soviet policy towards the Middle
East crisis as seen through Soviet relations with the Arab states
and the Palestinians, Soviet propaganda to the Arab world,
Soviet-American relations, Soviet domestic and international
problems related to Middle East policy, and, more specifically, the
Soviet attitude towards a settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
The Oslo Accords, inaugurated with the historic Rabin-Arafat
handshake on the White House lawn, marked a promising breakthrough
for resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. These Accords,
however, turned out to be but the first in a series of numerous
proposals and plans over the next ten years, all designed to cope
with repeated failures and disappointments as well as the major
issues of the conflict itself. Golan explores these plans and
proposals, concentrating on the key issues addressed by the parties
directly involved, along with the contributions of the Americans,
the Quartet as a whole, and the Arab League. This book is a
valuable resource for understanding the conflict, the issues
involved and the prospects for peaceful resolution.
In 1968 the Czechoslovak Communist Party undertook an experiment
which might well have rejuvenated and inspired the prospects for
Communism at least in the Western world. This Prague Spring' was
but the climax of a long, intensive struggle waged within the
Czechoslovak party and society since 1956 and, most consistently,
since the decision of the 12th Congress of the Czechoslovak
Communist Party to instigate 'de-Stalinization' in December 1962.
The struggle itself became a powerful movement for reform, winding
its way inexorably throughout the Czechoslovak party and society in
the years 1962 to 1968. Galia Golan traces this struggle in every
sphere of Czechoslovak society - the economy, the mass
organizations, the cultural world, the government, the minorities,
the realm of idelogy - from its early victories over the
conservative Communist leadership in 1962-3, through its ascent to
power and conversion to a mass movement in 1968 until its
suppression on 21 August 1968.
This book studies in detail the reform regime of Alexander Dubcek
from the assumption of power in the Party by reform-minded
communists in January 1968 until Gustav Husik replaced Dubcek as
First Secretary. The reform regime survived only eight months of
genuine rule but it persisted for a further eight months after the
Soviet invasion in an agonizing struggle for survival. One of the
most impressive but little-known developments in the era of reform
rule was the attempt by the Czechoslovaks to perpetuate the 'Prague
Spring', to salvage something of the programme for reform, and
maintain public faith in the face of Soviet occupation. Dr Golan's
book (a sequel to The Czechoslovak Reform Movement, Cambridge 1971)
examines the nature and effects of reform rule in nearly every area
of society: the economy, the trade unions and social organizations,
national and religious minorities, the cultural world, the Party,
government, the legal and security systems, Slovakia, and the field
of foreign Policy.
This is a comprehensive study of Soviet policies in the Middle
East. Concentrating on policy developments, Professor Golan
analyses the major Soviet decisions and objectives from the end of
World War II to the Gorbachev era. She pays particular attention to
the wars and crises of recent years and the often problematic
development of political relationships in the region. Professor
Golan begins by demonstrating how, until the end of the Brezhnev
period, Soviet policies towards the Middle East were principally
influenced by the demands of superpower competition with the USA.
This is followed by a series of broadly chronological case studies
of the main Soviet alliances, such as Syria and South Yemen; and of
Sadat's Egypt and Khomeni's Iran. This original and important book
culminates in a study of Gorbachev's interests, initiatives, and
'new thinking' in relation to overall Soviet foreign policy
objectives and the role of the Soviet Union in the region.
Galia Golan's concise but richly detailed monograph gives us the
first look at Soviet policy toward terrorism under Gorbachev.
Drawing on a wide array of Soviet sources, Dr. Golan traces the
evolution in Soviet attitudes toward terrorism and support for
movements of national liberation from Brezhnev to Gorbachev. She
focuses specifically on the change in Soviet public positions
toward a more explicit condemnation of terrorist acts. The debate
is likely to continue over whether changing public positions
reflect an actual shift in Soviet behavior, but Golan's book helps
to frame that debate. All those who are interested in evaluating
Soviet `new thinking' on an important global and regional issue
should read this book. Dennis B. Ross Director, Policy Planning
Staff U.S. Department of State This book examines the reevaluation
of Soviet foreign policy under Gorbachev, known as the new
thinking. This new foreign policy has produced a new Soviet
attitude and, apparently, different behavior toward terrorism. In
the past, terrorism was officially condemned either as a method
employed by imperialist or capitalist regimes against an oppressed
population or as an illegitimate offshoot of armed struggle, having
nothing in common with genuine liberation struggles. Under
Gorbachev, there is a reduction in Soviet aid to many groups using
terrorism and a call for political solutions to ongoing conflicts.
The latest volume in The Washington Papers series, Gorbachev's New
Thinking on Terrorism will be of special interest to political
scientists, Soviet specialists, or anyone interested in terrorism
today. With a foreword by Walter laqueur Laqueur, this book begins
with a detailed background study of Soviet attitudes toward
terrorism, demonstrating the changes in Gorbachev's approach to the
problem. Galia Golan, Darwin professor of Soviet and East European
Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, defines the
differences between Gorbachev's rhetoric and the reality of the new
thinking as the book explores reports and rumors of Soviet
involvement in Pakistan and the Philippines. The book concludes
with a look at current Soviet policy toward terrorist groups
traditionally backed by the Soviet Union.
Galia Golan's concise but richly detailed monograph gives us the
first look at Soviet policy toward terrorism under Gorbachev.
Drawing on a wide array of Soviet sources, Dr. Golan traces the
evolution in Soviet attitudes toward terrorism and support for
movements of national liberation from Brezhnev to Gorbachev. She
focuses specifically on the change in Soviet public positions
toward a more explicit condemnation of terrorist acts. The debate
is likely to continue over whether changing public positions
reflect an actual shift in Soviet behavior, but Golan's book helps
to frame that debate. All those who are interested in evaluating
Soviet `new thinking' on an important global and regional issue
should read this book. Dennis B. Ross Director, Policy Planning
Staff U.S. Department of State This book examines the reevaluation
of Soviet foreign policy under Gorbachev, known as the new
thinking. This new foreign policy has produced a new Soviet
attitude and, apparently, different behavior toward terrorism. In
the past, terrorism was officially condemned either as a method
employed by imperialist or capitalist regimes against an oppressed
population or as an illegitimate offshoot of armed struggle, having
nothing in common with genuine liberation struggles. Under
Gorbachev, there is a reduction in Soviet aid to many groups using
terrorism and a call for political solutions to ongoing conflicts.
The latest volume in The Washington Papers series, Gorbachev's New
Thinking on Terrorism will be of special interest to political
scientists, Soviet specialists, or anyone interested in terrorism
today. With a foreword by Walter laqueur Laqueur, this book begins
with a detailed background study of Soviet attitudes toward
terrorism, demonstrating the changes in Gorbachev's approach to the
problem. Galia Golan, Darwin professor of Soviet and East European
Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, defines the
differences between Gorbachev's rhetoric and the reality of the new
thinking as the book explores reports and rumors of Soviet
involvement in Pakistan and the Philippines. The book concludes
with a look at current Soviet policy toward terrorist groups
traditionally backed by the Soviet Union.
Despite considerable progress in research and practice in the
constructive transformation of intractable conflicts beginning in
the 1970s, many terribly destructive conflicts have recently
erupted. New circumstances have emerged that have resulted in
regressions. The contributions in this book examine many of the new
challenges and obstacles to the transformation of intractable
conflicts. It also offers an array of new and promising
opportunities for constructive transformations. The book brings
together analyses of U.S.-based conflicts with those from many
regions of the world. International, intra-state, and local
conflicts are explored, along with those that have been violent and
non-violent. The diversity in disciplines among the authors
provides a wide range of theoretical approaches to explaining how a
variety of intractable conflicts can be transformed. Case studies
of local, national, and transnational conflicts serve to illustrate
this new landscape. These analyses are complemented by conceptual
discussions relating to new conflict systems, actors, dynamics and
strategies. Policy implications of findings are also presented.
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