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Despite, or quite possibly because of, the structuralist,
post-structuralist, and deconstructionist critiques of
subjectivity, master signifiers, and political foundations,
contemporary philosophy has been marked by a resurgence in interest
in questions of subjectivity and the political. Guided by the
contention that different conceptions of the political are, at
least implicitly, committed to specific conceptions of subjectivity
while different conceptions of subjectivity have different
political implications, this collection brings together an
international selection of scholars to explore these notions and
their connection. Rather than privilege one approach or conception
of the subjectivity-political relationship, this volume emphasizes
the nature and status of the and in the 'subjectivity' and 'the
political' schema. By thinking from the place between subjectivity
and the political, it is able to explore this relationship from a
multitude of perspectives, directions, and thinkers to show the
heterogeneity, openness, and contested nature of it. While the
contributions deal with different themes or thinkers, the
themes/thinkers are linked historically and/or conceptually,
thereby providing coherence to the volume. Thinkers addressed
include Arendt, Butler, Levinas, Agamben, Derrida, Kristeva,
Adorno, Gramsci, Mill, Hegel, and Heidegger, while the
subjectivity-political relation is engaged with through the
mediation of the law-political, ethics-politics,
theological-political, inside-outside, subject-person, and
individual-institution relationships, as well as through concepts
such as genius, happiness, abjection, and ugliness. The original
essays in this volume will be of interest to researchers in
philosophy, politics, political theory, critical theory, cultural
studies, history of ideas, psychology, and sociology.
This volume brings together an international array of scholars to
reconsider the meaning and place of poststructuralism historically
and demonstrate some of the ways in which it continues to be
relevant, especially for debates in aesthetics, ethics, and
politics. The book's chapters focus on the works of Butler,
Deleuze, Derrida, Foucault, Irigaray, Kristeva, Lacan, and
Lyotard-in combination with those of Agamben, Luhman, Nancy, and
Nietzsche-and examine issues including biopolitics, culture,
embodiment, epistemology, history, music, temporality, political
resistance, psychoanalysis, revolt, and the visual arts. The
contributors use poststructuralism as a hermeneutical strategy that
rejects the traditional affirmation of unity, totality,
transparency, and representation to instead focus on the
foundational importance of open-ended becoming, difference, the
unknowable, and expression. This approach allows for a more
expansive definition of poststructuralism and helps demonstrate how
it has contributed to debates across philosophy and other
disciplines. Historical Traces and Future Pathways of
Poststructuralism will be of particular interest to researchers in
philosophy, politics, political theory, critical theory,
aesthetics, feminist theory, cultural studies, intellectual
history, psychoanalysis, and sociology.
This volume brings together an international array of scholars to
reconsider the meaning and place of poststructuralism historically
and demonstrate some of the ways in which it continues to be
relevant, especially for debates in aesthetics, ethics, and
politics. The book's chapters focus on the works of Butler,
Deleuze, Derrida, Foucault, Irigaray, Kristeva, Lacan, and
Lyotard-in combination with those of Agamben, Luhman, Nancy, and
Nietzsche-and examine issues including biopolitics, culture,
embodiment, epistemology, history, music, temporality, political
resistance, psychoanalysis, revolt, and the visual arts. The
contributors use poststructuralism as a hermeneutical strategy that
rejects the traditional affirmation of unity, totality,
transparency, and representation to instead focus on the
foundational importance of open-ended becoming, difference, the
unknowable, and expression. This approach allows for a more
expansive definition of poststructuralism and helps demonstrate how
it has contributed to debates across philosophy and other
disciplines. Historical Traces and Future Pathways of
Poststructuralism will be of particular interest to researchers in
philosophy, politics, political theory, critical theory,
aesthetics, feminist theory, cultural studies, intellectual
history, psychoanalysis, and sociology.
Violence has long been noted to be a fundamental aspect of the
human condition. Traditionally, however, philosophical discussions
have tended to approach it through the lens of warfare and/or limit
it to physical forms. This changed in the twentieth century as the
nature and meaning of 'violence' itself became a conceptual
problem. Guided by the contention that Walter Benjamin's famous
1921 'Critique of Violence' essay inaugurated this turn to an
explicit questioning of violence, this collection brings together
an international array of scholars to engage with how subsequent
thinkers-Agamben, Arendt, Benjamin, Butler, Castoriadis, Derrida,
Fanon, Gramsci, Merleau-Ponty, Sartre, and Schmitt-grappled with
the meaning and place of violence. The aim is not to reduce these
multiple responses to a singular one, but to highlight the
heterogeneous ways in which the concept has been inquired into and
the manifold meanings of it that have resulted. To this end, each
chapter focuses on a different approach or thinker within twentieth
and twenty-first century European philosophy, with many of them
tackling the issue through the mediation of other topics and
disciplines, including biopolitics, epistemology, ethics, culture,
law, politics, and psychoanalysis. As such, the volume will be an
invaluable resource for those interested in Critical Theory,
Cultural Studies, History of Ideas, Philosophy, Politics, Political
Theory, Psychology, and Sociology.
Despite, or quite possibly because of, the structuralist,
post-structuralist, and deconstructionist critiques of
subjectivity, master signifiers, and political foundations,
contemporary philosophy has been marked by a resurgence in interest
in questions of subjectivity and the political. Guided by the
contention that different conceptions of the political are, at
least implicitly, committed to specific conceptions of subjectivity
while different conceptions of subjectivity have different
political implications, this collection brings together an
international selection of scholars to explore these notions and
their connection. Rather than privilege one approach or conception
of the subjectivity-political relationship, this volume emphasizes
the nature and status of the and in the ‘subjectivity’ and
‘the political’ schema. By thinking from the place between
subjectivity and the political, it is able to explore this
relationship from a multitude of perspectives, directions, and
thinkers to show the heterogeneity, openness, and contested nature
of it. While the contributions deal with different themes or
thinkers, the themes/thinkers are linked historically and/or
conceptually, thereby providing coherence to the volume. Thinkers
addressed include Arendt, Butler, Levinas, Agamben, Derrida,
Kristeva, Adorno, Gramsci, Mill, Hegel, and Heidegger, while the
subjectivity-political relation is engaged with through the
mediation of the law-political, ethics-politics,
theological-political, inside-outside, subject-person, and
individual-institution relationships, as well as through concepts
such as genius, happiness, abjection, and ugliness. The original
essays in this volume will be of interest to researchers in
philosophy, politics, political theory, critical theory, cultural
studies, history of ideas, psychology, and sociology.
Gavin Rae offers us a new evaluation of poststructuralist thought.
This involves a re-conception of the embodied subject as a
continual process within and defined by ever-changing
configurations of the social, the symbolic and the psychic.He shows
that the question of the subject is central for poststructuralist
thinkers, that they are aware of the problematic status of agency
that arises from their decentring of the subject and that they
offer heterogeneous solutions to resolve it. First, showing how
this plays out in the thinking of Deleuze, Derrida and Foucault,
Rae subsequently demonstrates that it is with those
poststructuralists associated with and influenced by Lacanian
psychoanalysis that this issue most clearly comes to the fore. He
goes on to reveal that the conceptual schema of Cornelius
Castoriadis best explains how the founded subject is capable of
agency.
In this book, Gavin Rae analyses the foundations of political life
by undertaking a critical comparative analysis of the political
theologies of Carl Schmitt and Emmanuel Levinas. In so doing, Rae
contributes to key debates in contemporary political philosophy,
specifically those relating to the nature of, and the relationship
between, the theological, the political, and the ethical, as well
as those questioning the existence of ahistoric metaphysical,
ontological, and epistemological foundations. While the theological
is often associated with belief in a fixed foundation such as God
or the truth of a religion, Rae identifies another sense rooted in
epistemology. On this understanding, the ontological limitations of
human cognition mean that, ultimately, human truth is based in
faith and so can never be certain. The argument developed suggests
that Levinas' conception of the political is grounded in theology
in the sense of religion, particularly the revelations of Judaism.
For this reason, Levinas claims that the political decision is
based on how to implement a prior religiously-inspired norm:
justice. Schmitt, in contrast, develops a conception of the
political rooted in epistemic faith to claim that the political
decision is normless. While sympathetic to Schmitt's conception of
theology and its relationship to the political, Rae concludes by
arguing that the emphasis Levinas places on responsibility is
crucial to understanding the implications of this. The continuing
relevance of Schmitt's and Levinas' political theologies is that
they teach us that, while the political decision is ultimately
normless, we bear an infinite responsibility for the consequences
of this normless decision.
Gavin Rae offers an original approach to sovereign violence by
looking at a wide range of thinkers, which he organises into three
models. Benjamin, Schmitt, Arendt, Deleuze and Guattari form the
radical-juridical perspective; Foucault and Agamben the
biopolitical; Derrida the bio-juridical - which Rae argues produces
the most nuanced account. Rae engages with new translations of 'The
Beast and the Sovereign' and 'The Death Penalty' to show that
Derrida offers a radical and alternative angle in which violence is
placed between law and life, simultaneously creating and regulating
each through the other.
Charting a sweeping history of evil within the Western
philosophical tradition, Gavin Rae shows that the problem of evil -
as a conceptual problem - came to the fore with the rise of
monotheism. Rae traces the problem of evil from early and Medieval
Christian philosophy to modern philosophy, German Idealism,
post-structuralism and contemporary analytic philosophy and
secularisation.
In this book, Gavin Rae analyses the foundations of political life
by undertaking a critical comparative analysis of the political
theologies of Carl Schmitt and Emmanuel Levinas. In so doing, Rae
contributes to key debates in contemporary political philosophy,
specifically those relating to the nature of, and the relationship
between, the theological, the political, and the ethical, as well
as those questioning the existence of ahistoric metaphysical,
ontological, and epistemological foundations. While the theological
is often associated with belief in a fixed foundation such as God
or the truth of a religion, Rae identifies another sense rooted in
epistemology. On this understanding, the ontological limitations of
human cognition mean that, ultimately, human truth is based in
faith and so can never be certain. The argument developed suggests
that Levinas' conception of the political is grounded in theology
in the sense of religion, particularly the revelations of Judaism.
For this reason, Levinas claims that the political decision is
based on how to implement a prior religiously-inspired norm:
justice. Schmitt, in contrast, develops a conception of the
political rooted in epistemic faith to claim that the political
decision is normless. While sympathetic to Schmitt's conception of
theology and its relationship to the political, Rae concludes by
arguing that the emphasis Levinas places on responsibility is
crucial to understanding the implications of this. The continuing
relevance of Schmitt's and Levinas' political theologies is that
they teach us that, while the political decision is ultimately
normless, we bear an infinite responsibility for the consequences
of this normless decision.
Charting a sweeping history of evil within the Western
philosophical tradition, Gavin Rae shows that the problem of evil -
as a conceptual problem - came to the fore with the rise of
monotheism. Rae traces the problem of evil from early and Medieval
Christian philosophy to modern philosophy, German Idealism,
post-structuralism and contemporary analytic philosophy and
secularisation.
Violence has long been noted to be a fundamental aspect of the
human condition. Traditionally, however, philosophical discussions
have tended to approach it through the lens of warfare and/or limit
it to physical forms. This changed in the twentieth century as the
nature and meaning of 'violence' itself became a conceptual
problem. Guided by the contention that Walter Benjamin's famous
1921 'Critique of Violence' essay inaugurated this turn to an
explicit questioning of violence, this collection brings together
an international array of scholars to engage with how subsequent
thinkers-Agamben, Arendt, Benjamin, Butler, Castoriadis, Derrida,
Fanon, Gramsci, Merleau-Ponty, Sartre, and Schmitt-grappled with
the meaning and place of violence. The aim is not to reduce these
multiple responses to a singular one, but to highlight the
heterogeneous ways in which the concept has been inquired into and
the manifold meanings of it that have resulted. To this end, each
chapter focuses on a different approach or thinker within twentieth
and twenty-first century European philosophy, with many of them
tackling the issue through the mediation of other topics and
disciplines, including biopolitics, epistemology, ethics, culture,
law, politics, and psychoanalysis. As such, the volume will be an
invaluable resource for those interested in Critical Theory,
Cultural Studies, History of Ideas, Philosophy, Politics, Political
Theory, Psychology, and Sociology.
Criticises the historically dominant classic-juridical model of
sovereign violence and defends a bio-juridical model instead Gavin
Rae offers an original approach to sovereign violence by looking at
a wide range of thinkers, which he organises into three models.
Benjamin, Schmitt, Arendt, Deleuze and Guattari form the
radical-juridical perspective; Foucault and Agamben the
biopolitical; Derrida the bio-juridical--which Rae argues produces
the most nuanced account. Rae engages with new translations of 'The
Beast and the Sovereign' and 'The Death Penalty' to show that
Derrida offers a radical and alternative angle in which violence is
placed between law and life, simultaneously creating and regulating
each through the other.
Does the poststructuralist decentring of the foundational subject
permit a coherent account of agency? Gavin Rae shows that the
problematic status of agency caused by the poststructuralist
decentring of the subject is a prime concern for poststructuralist
thinkers. First, Rae shows how this plays out in the thinking of
Deleuze, Derrida and Foucault. He then demonstrates that it is with
those poststructuralists associated with and influenced by Lacanian
psychoanalysis that this issue most clearly comes to the fore. He
goes on to reveal that the conceptual schema of Cornelius
Castoriadis best explains how the founded subject is capable of
agency.
Privatising Capital examines the historical development of Poland's
public sector and its welfare state. Their infrastructure, services
and employees add up to a form of public capital, upon which the
vast majority of society is dependent. The book describes the
ongoing attempts to financialise and commodify this public capital
and examines how this occurs in the areas of health, education and
pensions. It also analyses the impact of public capital on the
ideas and opinions of the population and how it affects
contemporary ideologies and politics in Poland.
This book considers the social, economic and political consequences
of Poland's transition from socialism to capitalism. The immense
changes that have occurred in the country over the past decade and
a half are analysed in their historical and geo-political
framework. Poland was the first Eastern European country to return
to capitalism, with its shock-therapy economic reforms replicated
throughout the region. These sought to dismantle the socialist
elements of the economy as rapidly as possible and open up the
post-socialist countries to the world capitalist market. The former
socialist countries were absorbed into the international division
of labour and their economies quickly became a part of and
dependent upon the global capitalist system. The revolutions of
1989-91 not only transformed Eastern Europe but instigated
fundamental changes to the international capitalist system itself.
By opening up the ex-socialist economies to international capital a
new era of globalisation was opened, as the principles and
practices of neo-liberalism gained ascendancy. While a section of
society prospered from this opening, other social groups saw their
living-standards decline, creating large social inequalities. One
consequence of these social divisions has been the destabilising of
the newly created democratic political systems. The growth of more
authoritarian, conservative political currents in Poland is an
example of this. As the largest and most strategically important
country in Central-Eastern Europe, Poland has increasingly become a
focus of international relations between the major powers. Events
in Poland, especially after European expansion, influence relations
between the USA, the European Union and Russia. This book therefore
looks both at how the absorption of Poland into the international
capitalist system has transformed the country and at how this
process is contributing to developments globally. It finishes by
considering developments since EU Accession and at the expected
results of this expansion both within Poland and an enlarged EU.
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