Herbert Hoover's "magnum opus"--at last published nearly fifty years after its completion--offers a revisionist reexamination of World War II and its cold war aftermath and a sweeping indictment of the "lost statesmanship" of Franklin Roosevelt. Hoover offers his frank evaluation of Roosevelt's foreign policies before Pearl Harbor and policies during the war, as well as an examination of the war's consequences, including the expansion of the Soviet empire at war's end and the eruption of the cold war against the Communists.

Covering an eventful period in Herbert Hoover's career--and, more specifically, his life as a political pugilist from 1933 to 1955--this previously unknown memoir was composed and revised by the 31st president during the 1940s and 1950s--and then, surprisingly, set aside. This work recounts Hoover's family life after March 4, 1933, his myriad philanthropic interests, and, most of all, his unrelenting "crusade against collectivism" in American life. Aside from its often feisty account of Hoover's political activities during the Roosevelt and Truman eras, and its window on Hoover's private life and campaigns for good causes, "The Crusade Years" invites readers to reflect on the factors that made his extraordinarily fruitful postpresidential years possible. The pages of this memoir recount the story of Hoover's later life, his abiding political philosophy, and his vision of the nation that gave him the opportunity for service. This is, in short, a remarkable saga told in the former president's own words and in his own way that will appeal as much to professional historians and political scientists as it will lay readers interested in history.

In late 1921, then secretary of commerce Herbert Hoover decided to distill from his experiences a coherent understanding of the American experiment he cherished. The result was the 1922 book American Individualism. In it, Hoover expounded and vigorously defended what has come to be called American exceptionalism: the set of beliefs and values that still makes America unique. He argued that America can make steady, sure progress if we preserve our individualism, preserve and stimulate the initiative of our people, insist on and maintain the safeguards to equality of opportunity, and honor service as a part of our national character. American Individualism asserts that equal opportunity for individuals to develop their abilities is ""the sole source of progress"" and the fundamental impulse behind American civilization for three—now four—centuries. More than ninety years have passed since this book was first published; it is clear, in retrospect, that the volume was partly motivated by the political controversies of the time. But American Individualism is not simply a product of a dim and receding past. To a considerable degree the ideological battles of Hoover's era are the battles of our own, and the interpretations we make of our past—particularly the years between 1921 and 1933—will mold our perspective on the crises of the present.

Herbert Hoover arrived at Stanford in 1891, neither wealthy nor from a distinquished family, and was admitted on the condition that he become "proficient" in English. From that inauspicious beginning came the long and mutually rewarding relationship between Herbert Hoover and his alma mater, Stanford University. During his lifetime Hoover followed several careers: engineer, philanthropist, author, statesman, and president of the United States.George H. Nash points out that Stanford gave Hoover his first chance, and he spent much of his life repaying that debt. The Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, the Student Union, the Food Research Institute, the Lou Henry Hoover House, and the Graduate School of Business were direct results of his involvement as a Stanford trustee, his fundraising ability, and his personal philanthropy. Although Hoover in later years was often at odds with both the faculty and administration, Nash's research reveals the enduring ties that bound the man and his university together. Stanford president David Starr Jordan said at Hoover's commencement that men and women "are judged by achievement, not by dreams." Hoover shared that view of life, and Stanford University today is itself part of Herbert Hoover's living legacy of achievement.

American Exceptionalism provokes intense debates culturally, economically, politically, and socially. This collection, edited by Charles W. Dunn of Regent University's Robertson School of Government, brings together analysis of the idea's origins, history and future. Contributors include: Hadley Arkes, Michael Barone, James W. Ceasar, Charles W. Dunn, Daniel L. Dreisbach, T. David Gordon, Steven F. Hayward, Hugh Heclo, Marvin J. Folkertsma, William Kristol, and George H. Nash. While many now argue against the policies and ideology of American Exceptionalism as antiquated and expired, the authors collected here make the bold claim that a closer reading of our own history reveals that there is still an exceptional aspect of American thought, identity and government worth advancing and protecting. It will be the challenge of the coming American generations to both refine and examine what we mean when we call America "exceptional," and this book provides readers a first step towards a necessary understanding of the exceptional purpose, progress and promise of the United States of America.

Willmoore Kendall: Maverick of American Conservatives provides the first book-length study of a man long regarded as a founding father of American intellectual conservatism. This edited collection brings together a diverse range of perspectives on Kendall's life and work and places the post-World War II political theorist in the context of modern American conservatism. Far from providing a monolithic view of Kendall's thought, the contributions illuminate an unconventional, often contradictory, thinker. The book traces the development of Kendall's body of political thought from his early years in Oxford, through his work on John Locke, to the later speculation that produced The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition , and analyzes the influence of Leo Strauss on his later work. Including, for the first time in print, the complete correspondence between Kendall and Strauss that significantly shaped Kendall's later work, Willmoore Kendall is a vital contribution to American intellectual history.

Willmoore Kendall: Maverick of American Conservatives provides the first book-length study of a man long regarded as a founding father of American intellectual conservatism. This edited collection brings together a diverse range of perspectives on Kendall's life and work and places the post-World War II political theorist in the context of modern American conservatism. Far from providing a monolithic view of Kendall's thought, the contributions illuminate an unconventional, often contradictory, thinker. The book traces the development of Kendall's body of political thought from his early years in Oxford, through his work on John Locke, to the later speculation that produced The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition , and analyzes the influence of Leo Strauss on his later work. Including, for the first time in print, the complete correspondence between Kendall and Strauss that significantly shaped Kendall's later work, Willmoore Kendall is a vital contribution to American intellectual history.

The entry of the United States into the First World War in late 1911 found Herbert Hoover at a crossroads. Three years earlier, he had been a successful mining engineer in London. Then, as the war intensified in Europe, Hoover founded and led the Commission for Relief in Belgium, which provided desperately needed fuel to more than nine million Belgian and French citizens trapped between the German army of occupation and the British naval blockade.That emergency undertaking eventually evolved into one of the greatest humanitarian enterprises in history. It also brought Hoover into international prominence.Here Herbert Hoover moves toward Washington and center stage in his own country. Shortly after the United States's declaration of war, he entered into able service under Woodrow Wilson as a member of the President's War Cabinet and U.S. Food Administration. His goal was to standardize food production to control surging food prices, and to create surpluses of exportable foodstuffs for America's allies. "Food will win the war" became Hoover's slogan.

At the outbreak of World War I, Hoover was a wealthy mining engineer and businessman living in London. In a short time, he became the founder and brilliant director of an unprecedented international relief organization, which provided desperately needed food to more than 9,000,000 Belgian and French citizens trapped between the German army of occupation and the British naval blockade. By 1919, when his Commission for Relief in Belgium closed its operations, it had expended nearly $1 billion--and had created a twentieth-century hero. By then, Hoover had irrevocably embarked on "the slippery road of public life," which eventually led him to the White House door. This book--based on research conducted on three continents--is the second volume in Dr. Nash's definitive account of Hoover's life.

The third volume of Herbert Hoover's biography, this book is concerned with the year 1917-1918, when the USA entered World War II. As the war intensified in Europe, Hoover founded and led the Commission for relief in Belgium, which eventually evolved into one of the greatest humanitarian enterprises in history. It also brought Hoover into international prominence. Shortly after the USA's declaration of war, Hoover was appointed to Woodrow Wilson's Cabinet and the US Food Administration. His career as builder and bureaucrat showed him as a man who brought dynamism and ability into the service of his country. This biography attempts to throw light on one of the least-known American presidents, and on an important era in American history.