Celebrating the work of Keith McLachlan, a well-known and much-admired geographer of the Middle East and North Africa, this book combines three interrelated topics that define the region. The Middle East has been integral to the growth of the global oil industry, an aspect of its evolution since 1908 which has had profound geopolitical implications as well. The territory was also the arena for the last European experiment in colonialism, a development that has left its legacy even today. And, historically, it has been the location of the great hydraulic civilisations of Egypt and Mesopotamia yet is still dependent on the flow of its two major river systems - the Nile and the Tigris-Euphrates - in an era of impending climate crisis. These themes form the essence of themes that are discussed in the chapters that follow. Keith McLachlan played a significant role in our understanding of these themes and of their effects in the contemporary world, as the comments of those who worked with him and have contributed towards this book reveal. Examining agriculture, oil and state construction, this volume offers an insight into how the contemporary Middle East was constructed after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. It is a key resource for scholars and students interested in geopolitics and the geography of the Middle East.

Celebrating the work of Keith McLachlan, a well-known and much-admired geographer of the Middle East and North Africa, this book combines three interrelated topics that define the region. The Middle East has been integral to the growth of the global oil industry, an aspect of its evolution since 1908 which has had profound geopolitical implications as well. The territory was also the arena for the last European experiment in colonialism, a development that has left its legacy even today. And, historically, it has been the location of the great hydraulic civilisations of Egypt and Mesopotamia yet is still dependent on the flow of its two major river systems - the Nile and the Tigris-Euphrates - in an era of impending climate crisis. These themes form the essence of themes that are discussed in the chapters that follow. Keith McLachlan played a significant role in our understanding of these themes and of their effects in the contemporary world, as the comments of those who worked with him and have contributed towards this book reveal. Examining agriculture, oil and state construction, this volume offers an insight into how the contemporary Middle East was constructed after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. It is a key resource for scholars and students interested in geopolitics and the geography of the Middle East.

This book addresses issues surrounding the evolution of the Arab Spring in North Africa. After a general introduction and explanation of the events on a region-wide basis, it turns to examine aspects of each of the countries concerned. The role of the Muslim Brotherhood during the Nasser regime and in the contemporary situation is compared, together with an analysis of the emergence of new political parties in Egypt. The book analyses the links between social media and satellite television during the revolution in Egypt. This is followed by a study of the intellectual and cultural background to the Tunisian revolution and an analysis of the new political parties in Tunisia. It also looks at the revolution process in Libya and concludes with a study of why there was no revolution in Algeria and how the Moroccan monarchy was able to sideline those who challenged it at the price of constitutional changes that are essentially cosmetic. This book was originally published as a special issue of The Journal of North African Studies.

This book addresses issues surrounding the evolution of the Arab Spring in North Africa. After a general introduction and explanation of the events on a region-wide basis, it turns to examine aspects of each of the countries concerned. The role of the Muslim Brotherhood during the Nasser regime and in the contemporary situation is compared, together with an analysis of the emergence of new political parties in Egypt. The book analyses the links between social media and satellite television during the revolution in Egypt. This is followed by a study of the intellectual and cultural background to the Tunisian revolution and an analysis of the new political parties in Tunisia. It also looks at the revolution process in Libya and concludes with a study of why there was no revolution in Algeria and how the Moroccan monarchy was able to sideline those who challenged it at the price of constitutional changes that are essentially cosmetic. This book was originally published as a special issue of The Journal of North African Studies.

In the current climate of political extremism and violence, much attention has been directed towards "radicalisation" as the reasons behind such courses of action, along with a conviction that those who are radicalised represent an irrational deviation from the conventionally accepted norms of social and political behaviour.

This book focuses on the current issues and analytical approaches to the phenomenon of radicalisation in North Africa. Taking a comprehensive approach to the subject, it looks at the processes that lead to radicalisation, rather than the often violent outcomes. At the same time, chapters expand the discussion historically and conceptually beyond the preoccupations of recent years, in order to develop a more holistic understanding of a complex individual and collective process that has represented a permanent challenge to dominant political, social and, on occasion, economic norms.

With contributions from academics and policy-makers within and outside the region, the book is a comprehensive investigation of Islamist Radicalisation. As such, it will be of great interest to academics and students investigating North Africa and terrorism, as well as specialists in radicalism and extremism.

This title was first published in 2001. This is a collection of papers that look at the structure of the global economy, and its changing paradigms over the years. The contributors look at how the classic concept of state - autonomous, sovereign and freed of all constraint - never really reflected the reality of the international scene, despite the role it has played in realist and neo-realist theory for many decades. Instead, they consider that the political, social and economic characteristics originally attributed to states seem increasingly to be expressed through regional constructs. The papers in this volume show that even within regionalism there are a variety of different models that exist, and examine five of those models: the European Union; Mercosul-Mercosur; the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA); the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN); and the South African Development Community (SADC).

The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership - the Barcelona Process - aims to create integration in the Mediterranean Basin so as to encourage economic development along the Southern rim. This volume takes a critical look at the problems faced by the Process and the likelihood of its success.

The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Initiative, launched by the Barcelona Conference in 1995, is the most ambitious project to date directed at comprehensive prosperity and security in the Mediterranean region. Yet the assumptions on which it is based are untried and untested. This study seeks to analyse what they are and to draw some conclusions as to the potential of the Initiative for success by comparing it with other experiences of regional develoment.

Contributions to this book question the concept of the clash of cultures. The challenge to the West does not lie in the monolith of Islam turning aggressively outward to Europe and the US, but in the rivalries between regimes ruling over societies divided by an imbalance in wealth and power.

Contributions to this book question the concept of the clash of cultures. The challenge to the West does not lie in the monolith of Islam turning aggressively outward to Europe and the US, but in the rivalries between regimes ruling over societies divided by an imbalance in wealth and power.

North Africa differs from the Middle East in several significant ways. It was subject to a uniform colonial experience as part of the French empire; its populations are far more culturally homogeneous than those of the Middle East; and, since the Reconquista, it has always been far more susceptible to European influences than has the Middle East. It has thus had a far better basis for regional integration and for effective state formation than has the Middle East itself. In the post-Cold War world, North Africa took on a new significance for Europe as issues of migration and regional trade began to dominate the European agenda. This book, first published in 1993, endeavours to investigate the background to the political developments of modern North Africa. It not only looks at the pre-colonial past but also investigates the effect of the colonial period itself on the regional dimension in view of the creation of the UMA, a confederal regional organisation, in early 1989. The contributors to this volume are all people with long experience of the North African political and historical scene.

In the current climate of political extremism and violence, much attention has been directed towards "radicalisation" as the reasons behind such courses of action, along with a conviction that those who are radicalised represent an irrational deviation from the conventionally accepted norms of social and political behaviour. This book focuses on the current issues and analytical approaches to the phenomenon of radicalisation in North Africa. Taking a comprehensive approach to the subject, it looks at the processes that lead to radicalisation, rather than the often violent outcomes. At the same time, chapters expand the discussion historically and conceptually beyond the preoccupations of recent years, in order to develop a more holistic understanding of a complex individual and collective process that has represented a permanent challenge to dominant political, social and, on occasion, economic norms. With contributions from academics and policy-makers within and outside the region, the book is a comprehensive investigation of Islamist Radicalisation. As such, it will be of great interest to academics and students investigating North Africa and terrorism, as well as specialists in radicalism and extremism.

North Africa differs from the Middle East in several significant ways. It was subject to a uniform colonial experience as part of the French empire; its populations are far more culturally homogeneous than those of the Middle East; and, since the Reconquista, it has always been far more susceptible to European influences than has the Middle East. It has thus had a far better basis for regional integration and for effective state formation than has the Middle East itself. In the post-Cold War world, North Africa took on a new significance for Europe as issues of migration and regional trade began to dominate the European agenda. This book, first published in 1993, endeavours to investigate the background to the political developments of modern North Africa. It not only looks at the pre-colonial past but also investigates the effect of the colonial period itself on the regional dimension in view of the creation of the UMA, a confederal regional organisation, in early 1989. The contributors to this volume are all people with long experience of the North African political and historical scene.

It's tough to keep students afloat in a sea of detail when moving from country to country in a comparative course. While it's important to give students a sense of place, lengthy textbooks can overwhelm them with far too much description. Students are left with no clear path for understanding regional context or for making meaningful cross-national comparisons, and little sense of larger concepts and themes. The Politics of Governing: A Comparative Introduction answers this dilemma in a truly brief text-only 320 pages long-that frames country case studies within regional chapters. This approach equips students to see the bigger picture and understand how the issues of governing can no longer be separated from events outside a country's borders. The authors answer the same set of questions in each chapter-What are the purposes of government (the ends of politics)? What do governments do (the functions of politics)? Who exercises political power (the processes of politics)?-giving this concise text strong analysis of particular countries within a powerful regional framework. The book incorporates the American experience as a familiar touch point for students and examines those areas of the world in which the U.S. is most engaged: The European chapters highlight the development of supranational institutions and their impact on politics in Great Britain, France, and Germany. These stand in contrast to the transitional politics underway to the east with Central Europe's new democracies and the upheavals in Russia, the Ukraine, and the Balkan states keeping those countries at the margins of this new Europe. The diversity of Asian governments is explored within the context of competing forces between markets and democracy, at the core of which stands mainland China. The forces of religion and culture across the Muslim world shape the chapter that encompasses North Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia, with country case studies focused on Morocco, Iran, and Indonesia. The chapter on Latin America highlights the draw of North American markets and the appeal of distinctive political and economic patterns in South America, with case studies on Mexico and Brazil. A final chapter on regional convergence examines both developing countries and competing supranational markets to understand how people in countries caught in between larger, competing regional trading blocs are affected.

A discussion of transition in Jordan between 1990-2000, showing it to be a multi-faceted process, in which each facet interacts with the other, forming a coherent interdependent system. Economic transition has been a consequence of Jordan's isolation from its markets in Iraq and the Gulf in the 1990s, but is also inherent in its participation in attempts to foster peace as a key factor in regional stability. This is the preferred option of King 'Abdullah II (who succeeded the long-reigning King Hussain in 2000), and reflects the country's geostrategic options towards the United States and Europe. The Middle East peace process itself was the culmination of strategic choices made by King 'Abdullah I, even as Israel was being created, but it also reflects the domestic political situation in seeking to overcome demographic and cultural ruptures. Yet the domestic political situation is also contingent on the generational change in attitudes within the elite that followed King Hussain's death, and it remains to be seen to what extent political liberalization is a genuine option or whether it remains subservient to the older imperatives of the neo-patrimonial state. It is also not clear whether King 'Abdullah's enthusiasm for Jordan's future within a globalized world will become a reality. Significant change within Jordan depends on the outcome of the Palestine/Israel conflict and the new relationships that it can forge with the wider world - particularly with Europe, which will eventually become the dominant guarantor of regional stability because of its economic role within the Mediterranean and the wider Middle East.