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Energy policy has always been important to the population for stability and to advance technological progress and economic growth. The scope of energy discussions and concerns in the world have expanded significantly in the last several decades. In order to cope with accelerating pollution from fossil fuels, countries have increased investments in renewable energy power plants. However, the existing technology does not allow for the significant increase of the capacity of renewable energy facilities in a short period. As a result, in order to maintain economic growth, countries continue to be highly dependent on fossil fuels like oil, natural gas, and coal. At the same time, some countries start to encounter such problems as depletion of their oil and natural gas resources. The aim of this book is to analyze energy resources in the Middle East and Eastern Europe and relations between countries that appear as a result of new discoveries in this area.
This book offers a sober, contemplative and comprehensive coverage of Greek-Turkish relations, covering in depth the current political climate, with due regard to the historical dimension. The book includes up-to-date accounts of the traditional areas of unresolved discord (Aegean, minorities, Cyprus, the Patriarchate), with emphasis on why they remain contentious, despite the thaw in Greek-Turkish relations from 1999 until recently. It also covers new topics and challenges that have led to cooperation as well as friction, such as unprecedented economic cooperation, energy resources, or the refugee crisis. Furthermore, the volume deals with the 'Europeanization' of Greek-Turkish relations and other facilitating factors as they appeared in the first decade of the 21st century (including the role of civil society) as well as the contrary, 'de-Europeanization' from the 2010 onwards, which presages a hazardous downward trend in their relations, often not helped by the media in both countries, which is also examined. This volume will be essential reading to scholars and students of Greek-Turkish relations, more generally Greece and Turkey, and more broadly to the study of South European Politics, European Union politics, security studies and International Relations.
This book offers a sober, contemplative and comprehensive coverage of Greek-Turkish relations, covering in depth the current political climate, with due regard to the historical dimension. The book includes up-to-date accounts of the traditional areas of unresolved discord (Aegean, minorities, Cyprus, the Patriarchate), with emphasis on why they remain contentious, despite the thaw in Greek-Turkish relations from 1999 until recently. It also covers new topics and challenges that have led to cooperation as well as friction, such as unprecedented economic cooperation, energy resources, or the refugee crisis. Furthermore, the volume deals with the 'Europeanization' of Greek-Turkish relations and other facilitating factors as they appeared in the first decade of the 21st century (including the role of civil society) as well as the contrary, 'de-Europeanization' from the 2010 onwards, which presages a hazardous downward trend in their relations, often not helped by the media in both countries, which is also examined. This volume will be essential reading to scholars and students of Greek-Turkish relations, more generally Greece and Turkey, and more broadly to the study of South European Politics, European Union politics, security studies and International Relations.
The situation in the Balkans, such as the solution to the status of Kosovo, is currently the largest international political problem in Europe, with the potential to burst into a world crisis regarding the Eastern - Western relations. On the other hand, a successful solution to the problem in the Balkans could serve as a model for solving the Muslim - Christian tensions elsewhere in the world. It is the intention of this book to contribute proposals for solutions to the problems of Balkans. The starting principle for the solutions to be effective is that they should come in a natural way from the people below and should not be enforced by the political elites from above. Based on self-determination of nations as a starting principle, they should encourage intra-regional cooperation among the regional entities (economic, cultural, sport, as a basis for political, social understanding and cooperation); secondly, accelerate their economic, political and social development and thirdly, as a final step enable the inclusion of the Balkan countries into the European Union.
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