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This book defines Eurasianism, a political idea with a long
tradition, for a new century. Historically, Eurasia was depicted as
a "third continent" with a geographical and historical space
distinctively different from both Europe and Asia. Today, the
concept is mobilized by the Russian foreign policy elite to imagine
a close relationship with China and indirectly inspires the Chinese
Belt and Road Initiative. A Russian-Chinese partnership forms the
core of a new Eurasian region, yet Turkey, India, Hungary, Central
Asia and the other parts of the supercontinent are also embracing
Eurasian concepts. This book is of interest to scholars of Russian
and Chinese foreign policy, to economists, and to scholars of
political thought.
What explains the rise of populist movements across the West and
their affinity towards Russia? UKIP's Brexit victory, Trump's
triumph, and the successive elections and referendums in Europe
were united by a repudiation of the liberal international order.
These new political forces envision the struggle to reproduce and
advance Western civilisation to be fought along a
patriotism-cosmopolitanism or nationalism-globalism battlefield, in
which Russia becomes a partner rather than an adversary. Armed with
neomodernism and geoeconomics, Russia has inadvertently taken on a
central role in the decay of Western civilisation. This book
explores the cooperation and competition between Western and
Russian civilisation and the rise of anti-establishment political
forces both contesting the international liberal order and
expressing the desire for closer relations with Russia. Diesen
proposes that Western civilisation has reached a critical juncture
as modern society (gesellschaft) has overwhelmed and exhausted the
traditional community (gemeinschaft) and shows the causes for the
decay of Western civilisation and the subsequent impact on
cooperation and conflict with Russia. The author also considers
whether Russia's international conservativism is authentic and can
negate the West's decadence, or if it is merely a shrewd strategy
by a rival civilisation also in decay. This volume will be of
interest to scholars of international relations, political science,
security studies, international political economy, and Russian
studies.
This collection examines the theory, practice, and application of
state neutrality in international relations. With a focus on its
modern-day applications, the studies in this volume analyze the
global implications of permanent neutrality for Taiwan, Russia,
Ukraine, the European Union, and the United States. Exploring
permanent neutrality's role as a realist security model capable of
rivaling collective security, the authors argue that permanent
neutrality has the potential to decrease major security dilemmas on
the global stage.
This book defines Russophobia as the irrational fear of Russia, a
key theme in the study of propaganda in the West as Russia has
throughout history been assigned a diametrically opposite identity
as the "Other." Propaganda is the science of convincing an audience
without appealing to reason. The West and Russia have been
juxtaposed as Western versus Eastern, European versus Asiatic,
civilized versus barbaric, modern versus backward, liberal versus
autocratic, and even good versus evil. During the Cold War,
ideological dividing lines fell naturally by casting the debate as
capitalism versus communism, democracy versus totalitarianism, and
Christianity versus atheism. After the Cold War, anti-Russian
propaganda aims to filter all political questions through the
simplistic binary stereotype of democracy versus authoritarianism,
which provides little if any heuristic value to understand the
complexities of relations. A key feature of propaganda against the
inferior "Other" is both contemptuous derision and panic-stricken
fear of the threat to civilization. Russia has therefore throughout
history been allowed to play one of two roles-either an apprentice
of Western civilization by accepting the subordinate role as the
student and political object, or a threat that must be contained or
defeated. While propaganda has the positive effect of promoting
unity and mobilizing resources toward rational and strategic
objectives, it can also have the negative effect of creating
irrational decision-making and obstructing a workable peace.
Russian conservatism is making a forceful return after a century of
experimenting with socialism and liberalism. Conservatism is about
managing change by ensuring that modernization evolves organically
by building on the past. Conservatism has a natural attraction for
Russia as its thousand-year long history is largely characterized
by revolutionary change - the destructive process of uprooting the
past to give way to modernity. Navigating towards gradual and
organic modernization has been a key struggle ever since the
Mongols invaded in the early 13th century and decoupled Russia from
Europe and the arteries of international trade. Russian history has
consisted of avoiding revolutions that are either caused by falling
behind on modernization or making great leaps forward that disrupts
socio-economic and political traditions. Russian conservatives are
now tasked with harmonizing the conservative ideas of the 19th
century with the revolutionary changes that shaped Russia in the
20th century. The rise of Asia now provides new opportunities as it
enables Russia to overcome its fixation on the West and develop a
unique Russian path towards modernization that harmonizes its
Eurasian geography and history.
Why and how will the fourth industrial revolution impact great
power politics? Here, Glenn Diesen utilizes a neoclassical, global
approach to great power politics to assess how far the development
of AI, national and localized technological ecosystems and
cyber-warfare will affect great power politics in the next century.
The reliance of modern economies on technological advances, Diesen
argues, also compels states to intervene radically in economics and
the lives of citizens, as automation radically alters the economies
of tomorrow.
Will the increased economic connectivity across the Eurasian
supercontinent transform Europe into the western peninsula of
Greater Eurasia? The unipolar era entailed the US organising the
two other major economic regions of the world, Europe and Asia,
under US leadership. The rise of "the rest", primarily Asia with
China at the centre, has ended the unipolar era and even 500-years
of Western dominance. China and Russia are leading efforts to
integrate Europe and Asia into one large region. The Greater
Eurasian region is constructed with three categories of economic
connectivity - strategic industries built on new and disruptive
technologies; physical connectivity with bimodal transportation
corridors; and financial connectivity with new development banks,
trading currencies and payments systems. China strives for
geoeconomic leadership by replacing the US leadership position,
while Russia endeavours to reposition itself from the dual
periphery of Europe and Asia to the centre of a grand Eurasian
geoeconomic constellation. Europe, positioned between the
trans-Atlantic region and Greater Eurasia, has to adapt to the new
international distribution of power to preserve its strategic
autonomy.
Russian conservatism is making a forceful return after a century of
experimenting with socialism and liberalism. Conservatism is about
managing change by ensuring that modernization evolves organically
by building on the past. Conservatism has a natural attraction for
Russia as its thousand-year long history is largely characterized
by revolutionary change - the destructive process of uprooting the
past to give way to modernity. Navigating towards gradual and
organic modernization has been a key struggle ever since the
Mongols invaded in the early 13th century and decoupled Russia from
Europe and the arteries of international trade. Russian history has
consisted of avoiding revolutions that are either caused by falling
behind on modernization or making great leaps forward that disrupts
socio-economic and political traditions. Russian conservatives are
now tasked with harmonizing the conservative ideas of the 19th
century with the revolutionary changes that shaped Russia in the
20th century. The rise of Asia now provides new opportunities as it
enables Russia to overcome its fixation on the West and develop a
unique Russian path towards modernization that harmonizes its
Eurasian geography and history.
What explains the rise of populist movements across the West and
their affinity towards Russia? UKIP's Brexit victory, Trump's
triumph, and the successive elections and referendums in Europe
were united by a repudiation of the liberal international order.
These new political forces envision the struggle to reproduce and
advance Western civilisation to be fought along a
patriotism-cosmopolitanism or nationalism-globalism battlefield, in
which Russia becomes a partner rather than an adversary. Armed with
neomodernism and geoeconomics, Russia has inadvertently taken on a
central role in the decay of Western civilisation. This book
explores the cooperation and competition between Western and
Russian civilisation and the rise of anti-establishment political
forces both contesting the international liberal order and
expressing the desire for closer relations with Russia. Diesen
proposes that Western civilisation has reached a critical juncture
as modern society (gesellschaft) has overwhelmed and exhausted the
traditional community (gemeinschaft) and shows the causes for the
decay of Western civilisation and the subsequent impact on
cooperation and conflict with Russia. The author also considers
whether Russia's international conservativism is authentic and can
negate the West's decadence, or if it is merely a shrewd strategy
by a rival civilisation also in decay. This volume will be of
interest to scholars of international relations, political science,
security studies, international political economy, and Russian
studies.
This book explores Russia's efforts towards both adapting to and
shaping a world in transformation. Russia has been largely
marginalized in the post-Cold War era and has struggled to find its
place in the world, which means that the chaotic changes in the
world present Russia with both threats and opportunities. The rapid
shift in the international distribution of power and emergence of a
multipolar world disrupts the existing order, although it also
enables Russia to diversify it partnerships and restore balance.
Adapting to these changes involves restructuring its economy and
evolving the foreign policy. The crises in liberalism,
environmental degradation, and challenge to state sovereignty
undermine political and economic stability while also widening
Russia's room for diplomatic maneuvering. This book analyzes how
Russia interprets these developments and its ability to implement
the appropriate responses.
Do the EU and NATO threaten Russian security? The book explores the
rise of these exclusive 'inter-democratic' security institutions
after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the ensuing effects on
relations with Russia. Two competing theories are tested to explore
whether these institutions aggravate or mitigate the security
dilemma with Russia. These institutions can be theorised to promote
security as a positive-sum game through European integration and
democracy promotion, or pursue collective hegemony with
ideologically uncompromising bloc-politics. Glenn Diesen argues
that a European security architecture that demotes the largest
state on the continent to an object of security inevitably results
in 'European integration' becoming a zero-sum geopolitical project
that has set the West on a collision course with Russia.
Do the EU and NATO threaten Russian security? The book explores the
rise of these exclusive 'inter-democratic' security institutions
after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the ensuing effects on
relations with Russia. Two competing theories are tested to explore
whether these institutions aggravate or mitigate the security
dilemma with Russia. These institutions can be theorised to promote
security as a positive-sum game through European integration and
democracy promotion, or pursue collective hegemony with
ideologically uncompromising bloc-politics. Glenn Diesen argues
that a European security architecture that demotes the largest
state on the continent to an object of security inevitably results
in 'European integration' becoming a zero-sum geopolitical project
that has set the West on a collision course with Russia.
Moscow has progressively replaced geopolitics with geoeconomics as
power is recognised to derive from the state's ability to establish
a privileged position in strategic markets and transportation
corridors. The objective is to bridge the vast Eurasian continent
to reposition Russia from the periphery of Europe and Asia to the
centre of a new constellation. Moscow's 'Greater Europe' ambition
of the previous decades produced a failed Western-centric foreign
policy culminating in excessive dependence on the West. Instead of
constructing Gorbachev's 'Common European Home', the
'leaning-to-one-side' approach deprived Russia of the market value
and leverage needed to negotiate a more favourable and inclusive
Europe. Eurasian integration offers Russia the opportunity to
address this 'overreliance' on the West by using the Russia's
position as a Eurasian state to advance its influence in Europe.
Offering an account steeped in Russian economic statecraft and
power politics, this book offers a rare glimpse into the dominant
narratives of Russian strategic culture. It explains how the
country's outlook adjusts to the ongoing realignment towards Asia
while engaging in a parallel assessment of Russia's interactions
with other significant actors. The author offers discussion both on
Russian responses and adaptations to the current power transition
and the ways in which the economic initiatives promoted by Moscow
in its project for a 'Greater Eurasia' reflect the entrepreneurial
foreign policy strategy of the country.
This book defines Eurasianism, a political idea with a long
tradition, for a new century. Historically, Eurasia was depicted as
a "third continent" with a geographical and historical space
distinctively different from both Europe and Asia. Today, the
concept is mobilized by the Russian foreign policy elite to imagine
a close relationship with China and indirectly inspires the Chinese
Belt and Road Initiative. A Russian-Chinese partnership forms the
core of a new Eurasian region, yet Turkey, India, Hungary, Central
Asia and the other parts of the supercontinent are also embracing
Eurasian concepts. This book is of interest to scholars of Russian
and Chinese foreign policy, to economists, and to scholars of
political thought.
This book explores Russia's efforts towards both adapting to and
shaping a world in transformation. Russia has been largely
marginalized in the post-Cold War era and has struggled to find its
place in the world, which means that the chaotic changes in the
world present Russia with both threats and opportunities. The rapid
shift in the international distribution of power and emergence of a
multipolar world disrupts the existing order, although it also
enables Russia to diversify it partnerships and restore balance.
Adapting to these changes involves restructuring its economy and
evolving the foreign policy. The crises in liberalism,
environmental degradation, and challenge to state sovereignty
undermine political and economic stability while also widening
Russia's room for diplomatic maneuvering. This book analyzes how
Russia interprets these developments and its ability to implement
the appropriate responses.
This collection examines the theory, practice, and application of
state neutrality in international relations. With a focus on its
modern-day applications, the studies in this volume analyze the
global implications of permanent neutrality for Taiwan, Russia,
Ukraine, the European Union, and the United States. Exploring
permanent neutrality's role as a realist security model capable of
rivaling collective security, the authors argue that permanent
neutrality has the potential to decrease major security dilemmas on
the global stage.
Moscow has progressively replaced geopolitics with geoeconomics as
power is recognised to derive from the state's ability to establish
a privileged position in strategic markets and transportation
corridors. The objective is to bridge the vast Eurasian continent
to reposition Russia from the periphery of Europe and Asia to the
centre of a new constellation. Moscow's 'Greater Europe' ambition
of the previous decades produced a failed Western-centric foreign
policy culminating in excessive dependence on the West. Instead of
constructing Gorbachev's 'Common European Home', the
'leaning-to-one-side' approach deprived Russia of the market value
and leverage needed to negotiate a more favourable and inclusive
Europe. Eurasian integration offers Russia the opportunity to
address this 'overreliance' on the West by using the Russia's
position as a Eurasian state to advance its influence in Europe.
Offering an account steeped in Russian economic statecraft and
power politics, this book offers a rare glimpse into the dominant
narratives of Russian strategic culture. It explains how the
country's outlook adjusts to the ongoing realignment towards Asia
while engaging in a parallel assessment of Russia's interactions
with other significant actors. The author offers discussion both on
Russian responses and adaptations to the current power transition
and the ways in which the economic initiatives promoted by Moscow
in its project for a 'Greater Eurasia' reflect the entrepreneurial
foreign policy strategy of the country.
Why and how will the fourth industrial revolution impact great
power politics? Here, Glenn Diesen utilizes a neoclassical, global
approach to great power politics to assess how far the development
of AI, national and localized technological ecosystems and
cyber-warfare will affect great power politics in the next century.
The reliance of modern economies on technological advances, Diesen
argues, also compels states to intervene radically in economics and
the lives of citizens, as automation radically alters the economies
of tomorrow.
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