The first full-length study of World War II from the Latin American perspective, this unique volume offers an in-depth analysis of the region during wartime. Each country responded to World War II according to its own national interests, which often conflicted with those of the Allies, including the United States. The contributors systematically consider how each country dealt with commonly shared problems: the Axis threat to the national order, the extent of military cooperation with the Allies, and the war's impact on the national economy and domestic political and social structures. Drawing on both U.S. and Latin American primary sources, the book offers a rigorous comparison of the wartime experiences of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Central America, Gran Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Panama, and Puerto Rico.

The Caribbean basin has been the scene of international rivalries and conflict throughout the 20th century. This book provides coverage of the entire Caribbean region, including Central America and the Caribbean coast of northern South America, as well as an analysis of the role of international intervention. It includes discussion of the complex interaction among major world powers in the area, from the British, Dutch, French and Spanish clashes through the Latin American wars of independence to the emergence of the United States as a colonial power in the late 19th century. The book also surveys conflicts over colonial possessions, trade routes and Soviet-American confrontation in the Cold War years. This study integrates the recent political, economic and social history of the Caribbean basin with its military and diplomatic past. It charts this zone's emergence from colonialism during the course of the 20th century.

Looks at the presidency of Gerald R. Ford, detailing his accomplishments and describing how events during that time changed the world.

In 1898, Spanish spies based in Montreal, Halifax, and Victoria monitored the United States war effort against their homeland, while U.S. counter-intelligence officials watched the Spaniards. Neither the Americans nor the Spaniards sought Canadian permission for these activities.

Britain's enemies (and often America's enemies) have also been Canada's enemies. Without the heroic counter-intelligence of the mysterious Agent X, Irish Americans at the turn of the century might have blasted British Columbia's legislature and the Esquimalt naval base the way they blasted the Welland Canal.

During World War I, counter-intelligence failed to stop German agents who bombed the Windsor-Walkerville area as well as the CPR bridge on the Maine-New Brunswick border. Meanwhile, Canadian security officials ran around in a state of frantic frustration because of German "conspiracies" along the Ontario-New York State border imagined by Sir Courtney bennett, British consul-general in New york City. After the war, American moles in a Latvian post office monitored mail between Canadian Communists and Moscow.

In the thirties, a Finnish-Canadian clergyman spied on Sudbury's Red Finns for the United States consultate inNorth Bay, and Hitler's consuls maintained surveillance of Canadian politicians and German dissidents in Canada. During World War II, Canadian authorities intercepted the mail of envoys from Vichy-France, suspected of spying for Germany, and from Franco's Spain, suspected of spying for Japan.

In the 1960s, the CIA not only observed Cubans in Canada, but also watched the situation in Quebec and used a Canadian diplomat to collect information on North Vietnam.

Some of this history has merged from previously ignored and newly declassified documents from European, American, and Canadian archives. These newly revealed details show that Canada is an interesting place, both for what Canadians do elsewhere and for what foreigners do in Canada. Also, once readers have seen the kinds of activities in which friends engage, they may be less surprised at what enemies have done.

After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and Hitler's subsequent declaration of war upon the United States, Chile's reluctance to sever diplomatic ties with Nazi Germany allowed Germany to maximize its opportunities there, influencing Chilean politicians, military operations, and the popular media. This is the story of Chile, of its efforts to maintain neutrality, its abandonment of neutrality, and the significance--long-term and short-term--of those actions.

Based on documentary evidence from the archives of the Chilean Foreign Office, and from U.S., British, German, and, intercepted, Japanese documents, Mount is one of the first authors to provide evidence of the events and circumstances surrounding Chile's refusal to comply with the will of the White House and the State Department, in 1942, that they sever diplomatic relations with Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and Imperial Japan.

According to his findings, this refusal, fueled by bribes to influential politicians and journalists, a respect for the German-Chilean electorate in a presidential election year, a fear of what Nazi submarines might do to Chilean shipping and the Chilean coastline, and a desire to demonstrate independence, allowed these countries to use their embassies as centres of espionage that radiated as far north as Canada and threatened Allied shipping. Mount concludes that although the government of President Rios finally did make the break, sympathy for the Nazis and their values did not disappear but continued to have an impact upon Chile into the era of Augusto Pinochet, Chilean head of state from 1973 to 1990.

Graeme S. Mount teaches history at Laurentian University in Sudbury, Ontario. He is author of many books dealing with Canada-United States relations. His most recent include "The Caribbean Basin: An International History, /I> and "Invisible and Inaudible in Washington: American Policies toward Canada during the Cold War."

Looks at the presidency of Gerald R. Ford, detailing his accomplishments and describing how events during that time changed the world.

The first full-length study of World War II from the Latin American perspective, this unique volume offers an in-depth analysis of the region during wartime. Each country responded to World War II according to its own national interests, which often conflicted with those of the Allies, including the United States. The contributors systematically consider how each country dealt with commonly shared problems: the Axis threat to the national order, the extent of military cooperation with the Allies, and the war's impact on the national economy and domestic political and social structures. Drawing on both U.S. and Latin American primary sources, the book offers a rigorous comparison of the wartime experiences of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Central America, Gran Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Panama, and Puerto Rico.