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This book presents a detailed analysis of the U.S. policy that was
adopted toward Cuba by the Richard M. Nixon administration between
January 20, 1969, and August 8, 1974. Based on governmental, as
well as other, sources from both the U.S. and Cuba, this book
examines the rupture where the policy of "passive containment" was
complemented with a policy of "dirty war." President Nixon
attempted to reestablish a confrontational and violent path of
action, and once again, Cuba was exposed to a "dirty war"
consisting of different forms of aggressive terrorist activities.
Since the conditions for this violent route had changed
dramatically both in the U.S. and in Cuba, a policy characterized
by a continuity of the economic and psychological warfare came to
be the central one for the Nixon administration. This book is
unique since it is written from a Cuban perspective, and it
therefore complements and enriches the knowledge of the U.S.-Cuban
relationship during the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the
1970s, and the policy adopted by the Nixon administration. It is of
relevance to everyone interested in the issue, and especially for
students and researchers within the disciplines of history and
political science.
This book presents the reader with a detailed analysis of the U.S.
policy toward Cuba that was designed and adopted by the Lyndon B.
Johnson administration. Based in governmental and other sources
from both the U.S. and Cuba, the book analyzes the changes in the
U.S. policy and its political and practical effects. Cuba still had
to face a combination of "dirty war" and "passive containment," but
during the course of the 1960s, the influence of the "dirty war"
policy was weakened due to the failure of the tactics to overthrow
the Cuban Revolution by violent means. Instead, the policy was
directed towards "passive containment," characterized by its focus
on an intensification of the economic blockade, the promotion of
diplomatic isolation, and propaganda campaigns and psychological
warfare. The book is unique since it is written from a Cuban
perspective and it complements and enriches the knowledge of the
U.S.-Cuban relationship during the 1960s, and the policy adopted by
the Johnson administration.
This book presents new aspects of the U.S. Cuba policy during
Gerald R. Ford's presidency (August 9, 1974-January 20, 1977).
Based in governmental and other sources from the U.S. and Cuba, the
book examines how the Ford administration broke with Nixon's
hostile policy when the diplomatic and economic isolation of Cuba
was ended in the OAS, even when the U.S. economic blockade
prevailed. In line with the detente policy towards the USSR, the
Ford administration strived to normalize the relations with Cuba
through secret discussions. However, the Cuban involvement in the
Angolan civil war ended this process of normalization, and the U.S.
returned to a confrontational policy. Within this framework,
counterrevolutionary groups in the U.S. could act, more or less
with impunity, towards Cuba, but also against Cuban and
third-country targets both within and outside the U.S. The book
describes the oscillating Cuba policy that was the hallmark of the
Ford administration. The Cuban perspective adopted will complement
and enrich the knowledge of the U.S. policy toward Cuba during
Gerald Ford's presidency. It is of relevance to everyone interested
in the issue and especially for students and researchers within the
disciplines of History and Political Science.
This book presents new aspects of the U.S. "multiple path" policy
toward Cuba that was designed and adopted after the Missile Crisis
(October 1962) until the assassination of President Kennedy on
November 22, 1963, from a Cuban perspective. The policy was
characterized by its contradictory profile, since simultaneously as
aggressions were directed at Cuba, it also included the
establishment of channels of communication with the Cuban
government. The book also analyzes the Cuban-Soviet dispute during
the same period. The Cuban experiences have still not been
sufficiently discussed, and the aspects offered will enrich the
knowledge of the U.S.-Cuban relationship during the mentioned
period.
This book presents a detailed analysis of the U.S. policy that was
adopted toward Cuba by the Richard M. Nixon administration between
January 20, 1969, and August 8, 1974. Based on governmental, as
well as other, sources from both the U.S. and Cuba, this book
examines the rupture where the policy of "passive containment" was
complemented with a policy of "dirty war." President Nixon
attempted to reestablish a confrontational and violent path of
action, and once again, Cuba was exposed to a "dirty war"
consisting of different forms of aggressive terrorist activities.
Since the conditions for this violent route had changed
dramatically both in the U.S. and in Cuba, a policy characterized
by a continuity of the economic and psychological warfare came to
be the central one for the Nixon administration. This book is
unique since it is written from a Cuban perspective, and it
therefore complements and enriches the knowledge of the U.S.-Cuban
relationship during the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the
1970s, and the policy adopted by the Nixon administration. It is of
relevance to everyone interested in the issue, and especially for
students and researchers within the disciplines of history and
political science.
This book presents the reader with a detailed analysis of the U.S.
policy toward Cuba that was designed and adopted by the Lyndon B.
Johnson administration. Based in governmental and other sources
from both the U.S. and Cuba, the book analyzes the changes in the
U.S. policy and its political and practical effects. Cuba still had
to face a combination of "dirty war" and "passive containment," but
during the course of the 1960s, the influence of the "dirty war"
policy was weakened due to the failure of the tactics to overthrow
the Cuban Revolution by violent means. Instead, the policy was
directed towards "passive containment," characterized by its focus
on an intensification of the economic blockade, the promotion of
diplomatic isolation, and propaganda campaigns and psychological
warfare. The book is unique since it is written from a Cuban
perspective and it complements and enriches the knowledge of the
U.S.-Cuban relationship during the 1960s, and the policy adopted by
the Johnson administration.
Previous works on the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) have approached
the topic from the point of view of the U.S. and its allies, while
Cuban experiences have still not been sufficiently discussed. This
book presents new aspects which have seldom - or never - been
offered before, giving a detailed account of the crisis from a
Cuban perspective. It also investigates the archaeological and
anthropological aspects of the crisis, by exploring the tangible
and intangible remains that still can be found on the former Soviet
missile bases in the Cuban countryside, and through interviews
which add a local, human dimension to the subject.
Previous works on the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) have approached
the topic from the point of view of the U.S. and its allies, while
Cuban experiences have still not been sufficiently discussed. This
book presents new aspects which have seldom - or never - been
offered before, giving a detailed account of the crisis from a
Cuban perspective. It also investigates the archaeological and
anthropological aspects of the crisis, by exploring the tangible
and intangible remains that still can be found on the former Soviet
missile bases in the Cuban countryside, and through interviews
which add a local, human dimension to the subject.
This new book shows how the idea of a strategic triangle can
illuminate the security relationships among the United States, the
European Union and Russia in the greater transatlantic sphere.
This concept highlights how the relationships among these three
actors may, on some issues, be closely related. A central question
also follows directly from the use of the notion of the triangle:
does the EU have actor capability in this policy sphere or will it
get it in the future? The reason this is so important for our
project is that only if the Union is regarded by the two other
actors, and regards itself, as an actor in security policy does the
strategic triangle really exists. Consequently, this book has a
strong focus upon the development of the actor capability of the
Union. In the case of the United States, it examines to what extent
the concept of the strategic triangle has significance under each
of five grand strategies that serve as alternative visions of the
superpower's role in the world.
This new book shows how the idea of a strategic triangle can
illuminate the security relationships among the United States, the
European Union, and Russia in the greater transatlantic sphere.
This concept highlights how the relationships among these three
actors may, on some issues, be closely related. A central question
also follows directly from the use of the notion of the triangle:
does the EU have actor capability in this policy sphere or will it
get it in the future? The reason this is so important for our
project is that only if the Union is regarded by the two other
actors, and regards itself, as an actor in security policy does the
strategic triangle really exists. Consequently, this book has a
strong focus upon the development of the actor capability of the
Union. In the case of the United States, it examines to what extent
the concept of the strategic triangle has significance under each
of five grand strategies that serve as alternative visions of the
superpower's role in the world.
We are living amidst the fallout of the most controversial conflict
of our times. This book is a tough examination of how and why it
was fought and of its continuing effects.
This major new work contains analysis of the Iraq War from several
different academic, as well as military perspectives. Its emphasis
is on the links between US foreign policy, US strategy and the US
conduct of war and it also covers Iraqi grand strategies, the
consequences of the War for transatlantic relations, and includes a
chapter on the International Law dimension. In scrutinzing the war
and the behaviour of its main parties, the editors draw upon
international relations, political science, strategic thought and
military theory, plus international law and media studies. For
those wishing to understand the Iraq war from a very wide range of
rigorous perspectives, this is a must-read.
We are living amidst the fallout of the most controversial conflict
of our times. This book is a tough examination of how and why it
was fought and of its continuing effects.
This major new work contains analysis of the Iraq War from several
different academic, as well as military perspectives. Its emphasis
is on the links between US foreign policy, US strategy and the US
conduct of war and it also covers Iraqi grand strategies, the
consequences of the War for transatlantic relations, and includes a
chapter on the International Law dimension. In scrutinzing the war
and the behaviour of its main parties, the editors draw upon
international relations, political science, strategic thought and
military theory, plus international law and media studies. For
those wishing to understand the Iraq war from a very wide range of
rigorous perspectives, this is a must-read.
This book presents new aspects of the U.S. "multiple path" policy
toward Cuba that was designed and adopted after the Missile Crisis
(October 1962) until the assassination of President Kennedy on
November 22, 1963, from a Cuban perspective. The policy was
characterized by its contradictory profile, since simultaneously as
aggressions were directed at Cuba, it also included the
establishment of channels of communication with the Cuban
government. The book also analyzes the Cuban-Soviet dispute during
the same period. The Cuban experiences have still not been
sufficiently discussed, and the aspects offered will enrich the
knowledge of the U.S.-Cuban relationship during the mentioned
period.
This book offers a synthesis of the work conducted within the
contemporary archaeology project "A world crisis from below" that
studied the October Crisis (1962) for over ten years from its
material remains in Cuba. A cooperation project between
professionals in Sweden and Cuba that focused on the remains of
Soviet missile bases and how locals are using them today. An
approach from the community that challenges the dominant narratives
with low profile voices that actually show how new ways of
understanding the Cold War are possible. SPANISH DESCRIPTION: Este
libro presenta al lector una sintesis del trabajo realizado hasta
ahora en el proyecto de arqueologia contemporanea Una Crisis
mundial desde abajo que durante mas de una decada ha investigado la
Crisis de Octubre (1962) y sus restos materiales e inmateriales en
Cuba. El proyecto es una cooperacion entre arqueologos suecos y
arqueologos, historiadores y antropologos cubanos, y desde el
inicio el proyecto se ha focalizado en el material que permanece en
las antiguas bases de misiles nucleares sovieticos, la
reutilizacion del material desde las bases en el campo y los
pueblos que rodean los sitios, los recuerdos y narraciones que
sostienen las personas y las comunidades locales sobre la crisis y
las bases, y los planes para este patrimonio cultural de los museos
locales. Esto para permitir la expresion "voces de bajos perfiles"
y los recuerdos y narraciones "de abajo" y contribuir con
dimensiones mas humanas y complementarias a la crisis y a la
"narrativa dominante" de la misma. De esta manera, se pretende
llegar a nuevas formas de conocimiento acerca de la Crisis de
Octubre. El proyecto muestra que es posible complementar y desafiar
la narrativa dominante de la crisis con restos materiales e
inmateriales de este campo de batalla de la Guerra Fria.
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