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The core of this book is a systematic treatment of the historic
transformation of the West from monarchy to democracy. Revisionist
in nature, it reaches the conclusion that monarchy is a lesser evil
than democracy, but outlines deficiencies in both. Its methodology
is axiomatic-deductive, allowing the writer to derive economic and
sociological theorems, and then apply them to interpret historical
events.
A compelling chapter on time preference describes the progress
of civilization as lowering time preferences as capital structure
is built, and explains how the interaction between people can lower
time all around, with interesting parallels to the Ricardian Law of
Association. By focusing on this transformation, the author is able
to interpret many historical phenomena, such as rising levels of
crime, degeneration of standards of conduct and morality, and the
growth of the mega-state. In underscoring the deficiencies of both
monarchy and democracy, the author demonstrates how these systems
are both inferior to a natural order based on private-property.
Hoppe deconstructs the classical liberal belief in the
possibility of limited government and calls for an alignment of
conservatism and libertarianism as natural allies with common
goals. He defends the proper role of the production of defense as
undertaken by insurance companies on a free market, and describes
the emergence of private law among competing insurers. Having
established a natural order as superior on utilitarian grounds, the
author goes on to assess the prospects for achieving a natural
order. Informed by his analysis of the deficiencies of social
democracy, and armed with the social theory of legitimation, he
forsees secession as the likely future of the US and Europe,
resulting in a multitude of region and city-states. This book
complements the author's previous work defending the ethics of
private property and natural order. Democracy--The God that Failed
will be of interest to scholars and students of history, political
economy, and political philosophy.
The core of this book is a systematic treatment of the historic
transformation of the West from monarchy to democracy. Revisionist
in nature, it reaches the conclusion that monarchy is a lesser evil
than democracy, but outlines deficiencies in both. Its methodology
is axiomatic-deductive, allowing the writer to derive economic and
sociological theorems, and then apply them to interpret historical
events. A compelling chapter on time preference describes the
progress of civilization as lowering time preferences as capital
structure is built, and explains how the interaction between people
can lower time all around, with interesting parallels to the
Ricardian Law of Association. By focusing on this transformation,
the author is able to interpret many historical phenomena, such as
rising levels of crime, degeneration of standards of conduct and
morality, and the growth of the mega-state. In underscoring the
deficiencies of both monarchy and democracy, the author
demonstrates how these systems are both inferior to a natural order
based on private-property. Hoppe deconstructs the classical liberal
belief in the possibility of limited government and calls for an
alignment of conservatism and libertarianism as natural allies with
common goals. He defends the proper role of the production of
defense as undertaken by insurance companies on a free market, and
describes the emergence of private law among competing insurers.
Having established a natural order as superior on utilitarian
grounds, the author goes on to assess the prospects for achieving a
natural order. Informed by his analysis of the deficiencies of
social democracy, and armed with the social theory of legitimation,
he forsees secession as the likely future of the US and Europe,
resulting in a multitude of region and city-states. This book
complements the author's previous work defending the ethics of
private property and natural order. Democracy - The God that Failed
will be of interest to scholars and students of history, political
economy, and political philosophy.
The collapse of socialism across Eastern Europe - as manifested
most dramatically by the events of the forever memorable November
9, 1989, when the Germans of East and West reunited, moved and
overjoyed, on top of the Berlin Wall - has added more support and
urgency to the central thesis of this volume than I had ever hoped
for. Whether the following studies deal with economic topics, such
as employment, interest, money, banking, business cycles, taxes,
public goods, or growth; with philosophical problems as the
foundations of know ledge, and of economics and ethics in
particular; or the reconstruction and theoretical explanation of
historical and sociological phenomena such as exploitation, the
rise and fall of civilizations, international politics, war,
imperialism, and the role of ideas and ideological movements in the
course of social evolution - each ultimately contributes to but one
conclusion: The right to private property is an indisputably valid,
absolute principle of ethics and the basis for continuous 'optimal'
economic progress. To rise from the ruins of socialism and overcome
the stagnation of the Western welfare states, nothing will suffice
but the uncompromizing privatization of all socialized, that is,
government, property and the establishment of a contractual society
based on the recognition of the absoluteness of private property
rights. *** In writing the following studies I received help from
many sides. Special thanks go to my wife Margaret, who again took
on the task of de Germanizing my English; to Llewellyn H."
In recent years, libertarian impulses have increasingly
influenced national and economic debates, from welfare reform to
efforts to curtail affirmative action. Murray N. Rothbard's classic
The Ethics of Liberty stands as one of the most rigorous and
philosophically sophisticated expositions of the libertarian
political position.
What distinguishes Rothbard's book is the manner in which it
roots the case for freedom in the concept of natural rights and
applies it to a host of practical problems. An economist by
profession, Rothbard here proves himself equally at home with
philosophy. And while his conclusions are radical--that a social
order that strictly adheres to the rights of private property must
exclude the institutionalized violence inherent in the state--his
applications of libertarian principles prove surprisingly practical
for a host of social dilemmas, solutions to which have eluded
alternative traditions.
The Ethics of Liberty authoritatively established the
anarcho-capitalist economic system as the most viable and the only
principled option for a social order based on freedom. This edition
is newly indexed and includes a new introduction that takes special
note of the Robert Nozick-Rothbard controversies.
In recent years, libertarian impulses have increasingly influenced
national and economic debates, from welfare reform to efforts to
curtail affirmative action. Murray N. Rothbard's classic The Ethics
of Liberty stands as one of the most rigorous and philosophically
sophisticated expositions of the libertarian political position.
What distinguishes Rothbard's book is the manner in which it
roots the case for freedom in the concept of natural rights and
applies it to a host of practical problems. An economist by
profession, Rothbard here proves himself equally at home with
philosophy. And while his conclusions are radical--that a social
order that strictly adheres to the rights of private property must
exclude the institutionalized violence inherent in the state--his
applications of libertarian principles prove surprisingly practical
for a host of social dilemmas, solutions to which have eluded
alternative traditions.
The Ethics of Liberty authoritatively established the
anarcho-capitalist economic system as the most viable and the only
principled option for a social order based on freedom. This edition
is newly indexed and includes a new introduction that takes special
note of the Robert Nozick-Rothbard controversies.
Die folgenden Studien behandeln die Frage, Wie soli eine
Gesellschaft geordnet wer- den; und warum so und nicht anders'?
Derart mit normativen Problem en befagt, unterscheiden sie sich
grundsatzlich von der in der sozial- und politikwissenschaftli-
chen Literatur gegenwartig immer exklusiver gepflegten Form
empirischer For- schung, bei der normative Fragen entweder
vollstandig ausgeblendet oder - ver- breiteter noch und
fragwurdiger! - durch beliebig herbeizitierte subjektive Meinun-
gen, gelost' werden, und die von daher praktisch irrelevant bleiben
mug oder als partikularistische (parteiliche) Propaganda
einzustufen ist. Die vorliegenden Unter- suchungen knupfen
demgegenuber bewugt an die Tradition der Klassiker politischer
Theorie an. Wie etwa Th. Hobbes oder J. Locke, D. Hume oder J. J.
Rousseau, A. Smith oder K. Marx in ihren Arbeiten allgemein,
objektiv begrundete Losungen fUr praktische Probleme formulieren
wollen, so auch diese Arbeit; wie sie sich nicht an den
methodisch-methodologischen Kanon empirisch-analytischer F orschung
halten, so folgen auch die hier vorgelegten Studien einer
nicht-empirischen Forschungslo- gik; und wie sie sich nicht urn die
Grenzen der wissenschaftlichen Fiicherteilung kummern (konnen), so
reichen auch die folgenden Analysen von Philosophie bis Okonomie. *
In inhaltlicher Hinsicht fallt die vorliegende Arbeit nicht weniger
aus dem Rah- men. 1m Gegensatz zur von Th. Hobbes bis R. Nozick
reichenden offiziell-offi- ziosen Tradition der politischen Theorie
wird die These entfaltet und begriindet, daB es fur die Existenz
eines Staates (auch eines liberalen Minimalstaates) nicht den
Schimmer rechtfertigbarer Griinde gibt.
Anmerkungen zu Kapitell 1 Vgl. hierzu z.B. Ezekiel/Fox, Methods of
Correlation and Regression Analysis, New York 1966; Rao/Miller,
Applied Econometrics, Belmont 1971; PindyckiRubinfeld, Econometric
Models and Economic Forecasts, New York 1976. 2 Vgl. hierzu z.B. L.
Robbins, Tbe Nature and Significance of Economic Science, London
1935; L. v. Mises, Human Action. A Treatise on Economics, Chicago
1966. - Die Kritik der logischen (Gegensatz: mathematischen)
oekonomen verdient darum besonders hervorgeho- ben zu werden, weil
sie deudich macht, dass es keineswegs - wie von oekonometrikem
regel- massig behauptet - um die Alternative, mathematische
vs.literarische oekonomie' geht. 3 Vgl. H. Blalock, Causal
Inferences in non-experimental research, Chapel Hili 1964; ders.,
Tbeory Construction, Englewood Cliffs 1969; ders. (ed.), Causal
Models in the Social Sciences, Chicago 1971;
Namboodiri/Carter/B1alock, Applied Multivariate Analysis and
Experimental Design, New York 1975; 0.0. Duncan, Path-analysis:
sociological examples, in: Blalock (ed.) 1971; ders., Introduction
to Structural Equation Models, New York 1975; Goldberger/Duncan,
(eds.) Structural Equation Models in the Social Sciences, New York
1973; ausserdem vgl. D. Heise, Causal Analysis, New York 1975.
LARGE PRINT EDITION More at LargePrintLiberty.com.
"Do not steal" is an excellent principle of ethics; it is also the
first principle of sound economic systems. In our time, no one has
done more than Hans-Hermann Hoppe to elaborate on the sociological
implications of this truth. And this is his great work on the
topic. The Austrian tradition is known for offering the most
hard-core defense of private property, and the most consistent
application of that principle, of any school of economics. The work
of Hoppe--a leading student of Rothbard's whose books have been
translated into a dozen languages--has focused heavy philosophical
and economic attention on this principle. This book, the 2nd
expanded edition after a long period in which it has been
unavailable, collects his most important scholarly essays on the
topic. The topics covered by Hoppe are wide ranging: employment,
interest, money, banking, trade cycles, taxes, public goods, war,
imperialism, and the rise and fall of civilizations. The core
theoretical insight uniting the entire discussion is as
consistently applied here as it is neglected by the economic
mainstream: the absolute inviolability of private property as a
human right as the basis of continuous economic progress. The right
to private property is an indisputably valid, absolute principle of
ethics, argues Hoppe, and the basis for civilizational advance.
Indeed, it is the very foundation of social order itself. To rise
from the ruins of socialism and overcome the stagnation of the
Western welfare states, nothing will suffice but the uncompromising
privatization of all socialized, that is, government, property and
the establishment of a contractual society based on the recognition
of private property rights. Hans Hermann-Hoppe is professor of
economics at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, and a senior
fellow of the Ludwig von Mises Institute. This edition is an
expansion of the original edition (1993), with new essays on
epistemology, ethics, and economics.
LARGE PRINT EDITION More at LargePrintLiberty.com.
With eleven chapters by top libertarian scholars on all aspects of
defense, this book edited by Hans-Hermann Hoppe represents an
ambitious attempt to extend the idea of free enterprise to the
provision of security services. It argues that "national defense"
as provided by government is a myth not unlike the myth of
socialism itself. Defense services are more viably privatized and
replaced by the market provision of security. From the
introduction: "Even aside from day-to-day security risks, the
reality of terrorism and its resulting mayhem has demonstrated the
inability of government to provide adequate security against
attacks on person and property. The lesson of September 11 is
indisputable: government had not only failed to act as a guardian
of security and protection but had actually been the primary agent
in creating insecurity and exposure to risk, and, moreover, did not
achieve secure justice once the crime had been committed. "However,
this was not the lesson that was drawn from the affair. Instead,
the political elite successfully exploited public fears to vastly
increase government spending, central credit inflation,
bureaucratic management, citizen surveillance, regulation of
transportation, and generally wage an all out attack on liberty and
property. "Meanwhile, US foreign policy pursued in the aftermath
became more aggressively interventionist, violent, and threatening
(the US refused even to rule out the employment of nuclear weapons
against enemy regimes) than it had been before, thereby increasing
the number of recruits into the ranks of people who are willing to
use extreme violence as a means of retribution. "In the same way
that government intervention in times of peace can generate
perverse consequences in markets that do not tend toward clearing,
in times of war, military intervention can thus have the effect of
harming the prospects for peace and security and bringing about a
permanent state of violence and political control. Truly, the
political affairs of our time cry out for a complete rethinking of
the issues of defense and security and the respective roles of
government, the market, and society in providing them."
LARGE PRINT EDITION More at LargePrintLiberty.com
Richard Ritter von Strigl (1891-1942) was one of the most
brilliant Austrian economists of the interwar period. As a
professor at the University of Vienna he had a decisive influence
on Hayek, Machlup, Haberler, Morgenstern, and other
fourth-generation Austrian economists. Very few classic works on
capital and business cycles in the Austrian tradition have been
translated from the original German. Strigl's important
contribution to Austrian capital theory is brought to the
English-speaking world for the first time. The book links Eugen von
Bohm-Bawerk's production theory and Mises's business-cycle theory,
and gives a pathbreaking account of the role of consumers' goods
within the structure of production. Translated by Hans-Hermann
Hoppe, with an extended introduction by Jorg Guido Hulsmann,
"Capital and Production" is the essential foundation - both in
theory and in the history of thought - to Austrian macroeconomics.
As positive theory, this book is unusually lucid. He patiently lays
out the entire theory of capital and production, long before
getting to applications in the area of business-cycle theory. He
establishes without question that time and production plans play
the critical role in the formation of the capital sector. We find
in here the foundation of what later came to be called Hayekian
triangles. We even find a thorough discussion of the impossibility
of central monetary planning by the Federal Reserve - it has no way
to meet changes in demand with rational plans. In general, Strigl's
theory and explication offer a level of clarity and plainness of
expression that some find missing in later works by, for example,
F.A. Hayek.
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