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What does liberal order actually amount to outside the West, where
it has been most institutionalised? Contrary to the Atlantic or
Pacific, liberal hegemony is thin in the Indian Ocean World; there
are no equivalents of NATO, the EU or the US-Japan defence
relationship. Yet what this book calls the 'Global Indian Ocean'
was the beating heart of earlier epochs of globalisation, where
experiments in international order, market integration and
cosmopolitanisms were pioneered. Moreover, it is in this
macro-region that today's challenges will face their defining hour:
climate change, pandemics, and the geopolitical contest pitting
China and Pakistan against the USA and India. The Global Indian
Ocean states represent the greatest range of political systems and
ideologies in any region, from Hindu-nationalist India and nascent
democracy in Indonesia and South Africa, to the Gulf's mixture of
tribal monarchy and high modernism. These essays by leading
scholars examine key aspects of political order, and their roots in
the colonial and pre-colonial past, through the lenses of
state-building, nationalism, international security, religious
identity and economic development. The emergent lessons are of
great importance for the world, as the 'global' liberal order fades
and new alternatives struggle to be born.
The spectres of Marx and Lenin have long loomed prominently in
Africa and Asia and they still do so in the 21st century. Many of
the founding fathers of postcolonial republics believed socialism
could transform their societies. Yet what socialism meant in theory
and in practice has always been highly heterogeneous and differed
markedly from the European experience. African and Asian movements
did not simply mimic the ideas and institutions of Soviet or
European Marxists, but endeavoured to define their own,
experimenting with a variety of interpretations and in the process
adapting doctrines and templates to their unique contexts. This
volume brings together anthropologists, historians and political
scientists from around the world to reflect on three great
challenges which various types of socialists in Africa and Asia
have had to simultaneously contend with in their articulations of
liberation: how to build up empirical and juridical statehood, how
to forge a nation after colonial divide-and-rule, and how to
position themselves in an international order not of their making.
In a post-colonial world, this helps centre a key question running
through the different chapters: what can African and Asian
imaginaries, institutions and practices tell us about socialism as
a global phenomenon? The chapters in this book were originally
published as a special issue of Third World Quarterly.
The spectres of Marx and Lenin have long loomed prominently in
Africa and Asia and they still do so in the 21st century. Many of
the founding fathers of postcolonial republics believed socialism
could transform their societies. Yet what socialism meant in theory
and in practice has always been highly heterogeneous and differed
markedly from the European experience. African and Asian movements
did not simply mimic the ideas and institutions of Soviet or
European Marxists, but endeavoured to define their own,
experimenting with a variety of interpretations and in the process
adapting doctrines and templates to their unique contexts. This
volume brings together anthropologists, historians and political
scientists from around the world to reflect on three great
challenges which various types of socialists in Africa and Asia
have had to simultaneously contend with in their articulations of
liberation: how to build up empirical and juridical statehood, how
to forge a nation after colonial divide-and-rule, and how to
position themselves in an international order not of their making.
In a post-colonial world, this helps centre a key question running
through the different chapters: what can African and Asian
imaginaries, institutions and practices tell us about socialism as
a global phenomenon? The chapters in this book were originally
published as a special issue of Third World Quarterly.
This book investigates how ecology and politics meet in the Middle
East and how those interactions connect to the global political
economy. Through region-wide analyses and case studies from the
Arabian Peninsula, the Gulf of Aden, the Levant and North Africa,
the volume highlights the intimate connections of environmental
activism, energy infrastructure and illicit commodity trading with
the political economies of Central Asia, the Horn of Africa and the
Indian subcontinent. The book's nine chapters analyse how the
exploitation and representation of the environment have shaped the
history of the region--and determined its place in global politics.
It argues that how the ecological is understood, instrumentalised
and intervened upon is the product of political struggle:
deconstructing ideas and practices of environmental change means
unravelling claims of authority and legitimacy. This is
particularly important in a region frequently seen through the
prism of environmental determinism, where ruling elites have
imposed authoritarian control as the corollary of 'environmental
crisis'. This unique and urgent collection will question much of
what we think we know about this pressing issue.
Places Sudan's oil industry (examined here in macro, micro and
political terms), its economy, external relations and changing
politics under the impact of the Darfur conflict and the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement, in the wider context of the
expansion of Asia's global economic strength. By successfully
turning to China, Malaysia and India from the mid-1990s, amidst
civil war and political isolation, Khartoum's 'Look East' policy
transformed Sudan's economy and foreign relations. Sudan, in turn,
has been a key theatre of Chinese, Indian and Malaysian overseas
energy investment. What began as economic engagements born of
pragmatic necessity later became politicized within Sudan and
without, resulting in global attention. Despite its importance,
widespread sustained interest and continuing political controversy,
there is no single volume publication examining the rise and nature
of Chinese, Malaysian and Indian interests in Sudan, their economic
and political consequences, and role in Sudan's foreign relations.
Addressing this gap, this book provides a groundbreaking analysis
of Sudan's 'Look East' policy. It offers the first substantive
treatment of a subject of fundamental significancewithin Sudan
that, additionally, has become a globally prominent dimension of
its changing international politics. Daniel Large is research
director of the Africa Asia Centre, Royal African Society at the
School of Oriental and African Studies, London, and founding
director of the Rift Valley Institute's digital Sudan Open Archive.
Luke A. Patey is a Research Fellow at the Danish Institute for
International Studies.
In 1989, a secretive movement of Islamists allied itself to a
military cabal to violently take power in Africa's biggest country.
Sudan's revolutionary regime was built on four pillars - a new
politics, economic liberalisation, an Islamic revival, and a U-turn
in foreign relations - and mixed militant conservatism with social
engineering: a vision of authoritarian modernisation. Water and
agricultural policy have been central to this state-building
project. Going beyond the conventional lenses of famine, 'water
wars' or the oil resource curse, Harry Verhoeven links
environmental factors, development, and political power. Based on
years of unique access to the Islamists, generals, and business
elites at the core of the Al-Ingaz Revolution, Verhoeven tells the
story of one of Africa's most ambitious state-building projects in
the modern era - and how its gamble to instrumentalise water and
agriculture to consolidate power is linked to twenty-first-century
globalisation, Islamist ideology, and intensifying geopolitics of
the Nile.
In October 1996, a motley crew of ageing Marxists and unemployed
youth coalesced to revolt against Mobutu Seso Seko, president of
Zaire/Congo since 1965. The rebels of the AFDL marched over 1500km
in seven months to crush the dictatorship, heralding liberation as
a second independence for Central Africa as a whole. US President
Bill Clinton toasted AFDL leader Laurent-Desire Kabila and his
regional allies - having developed a unique camaraderie and
personal trust on the region's battlefronts -- as a 'new generation
of African leaders' ushering in an 'African Renaissance.' Within
months, however, the Pan-Africanist alliance fell apart. The AFDL's
collapse triggered a cataclysmic fratricide between the heroes of
liberationthat became the deadliest conflict since the Second World
War, drawing in eight African countries. This book draws on
hundreds of interviews with protagonists from Africa and the
international community to offer a novel theoretical and empirical
account of Africa's Great War. Bridging the gap between comparative
politics and international relations, it argues that the renewed
outbreak of calamitous violence in August 1998 was a function of
the kind of regime the AFDL was and how its leaders saw Congo,
theregion and themselves. As a Pan-Africanist liberation movement,
the collapse of the AFDL government internally and the unravelling
of regional order externally were inextricably linked.
In 1989, a secretive movement of Islamists allied itself to a
military cabal to violently take power in Africa's biggest country.
Sudan's revolutionary regime was built on four pillars - a new
politics, economic liberalisation, an Islamic revival, and a U-turn
in foreign relations - and mixed militant conservatism with social
engineering: a vision of authoritarian modernisation. Water and
agricultural policy have been central to this state-building
project. Going beyond the conventional lenses of famine, 'water
wars' or the oil resource curse, Harry Verhoeven links
environmental factors, development, and political power. Based on
years of unique access to the Islamists, generals, and business
elites at the core of the Al-Ingaz Revolution, Verhoeven tells the
story of one of Africa's most ambitious state-building projects in
the modern era - and how its gamble to instrumentalise water and
agriculture to consolidate power is linked to twenty-first-century
globalisation, Islamist ideology, and intensifying geopolitics of
the Nile.
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