Many current threats to security arising from terrorism, 'rogue' states and civil wars are highly complex and often transnational in nature and effect. Such threats can no longer be meaningfully addressed at the national level alone but require an international response. Since the end of the Cold War, the use of force under international auspices (UN, NATO, EU) has increased substantially. However, such actions have not necessarily been accompanied by improvements in their democratic accountability. Pre-existing problems and inadequacies of parliamentary oversight of armed forces and use of force at the national level of many democratic states are mirrored, and even magnified, at the international level. The effect of imperfect democratic controls at the national level and the challenges to provide transparent and accountable multilateral responses results in the so-called double democratic deficit of the international use of force. Each chapter in this innovative work analyses the challenges of parliamentary and democratic supervision of international security structures and puts forward proposals on how to improve democratic accountability of multinational responses to complex security challenges.

Interregionalism, the institutionalized relations between world regions, is a new phenomenon in international relations. It also a new layer of development in an increasingly differentiated global order. This volume examines the structure of this phenomenon and the scholarly discourse it is generating. It takes stock of empirical facts and theoretical explanations, bringing together with clarity and concision the latest research on this key area. This essential new book: * traces the emergence of interregionalism and reviews the latest literature * provides a conceptual and theoretical framework for study * includes case studies of inter-regional relations between: Asia and America; Asia and Europe; Europe and America; and Europe and Africa. * delivers comparative analyses and special cases such as continental summits and interregional relationships beyond the Triad. * summarizes and evaluates the findings of each chapter, providing a basis for further research. This is a key reference book for students and researchers of regionalism, global governance and international relations.

Over the last two decades, globalization and regionalization have led to the emergence of an increasingly differentiated multi-level system of global governance. One characteristic of this system is the growing level of interaction among regional organization and these interregional relations constitute a novelty in international relations, one that varies greatly in form, in function and in level of institutionalization.
"Interregionalism and International Relations" is the first attempt to summarize the state of the art in this rich new field of international relations research. It provides a comprehensive, theory-guided introduction into the numerous facets of this new phenomenon. Following a theoretical explanation and a typology of interregional relations, subsequent parts of the book examine key contacts between major world regions such as Asia and American, Asia and Europe, America and Europe, and Africa and Europe. This book also presents comparative analysis and borderline cases that transcend the standard manifestations of interregionalism.
With high-level contributors noted for their expertise in international relations and their expertise in interregion relations, this volume will appeal to political science scholars, diplomats and those with an interest in global and regional diplomacy.

'Go nuclear' or 'go zero'--as the international community stands at a nuclear crossroads, a number of questions demand urgent attention: How do established and emerging nuclear-armed states manage their nuclear affairs? Who commands and controls a country's nuclear forces? What effect does the balance between secrecy and openness have on larger questions of security and democracy?
Governing Nuclear Weapons is grounded in the belief that the public's ability to hold nuclear-armed states accountable for the security of their weapons is contingent on proper knowledge of domestic nuclear governance. With a special emphasis on civilian control and democratic accountability, it seeks to illuminate the structures and processes of nuclear weapons governance of eight nuclear-armed states: China, France, Russia, the UK, and the US, as well as India, Israel, and Pakistan.
It examines the theoretical as well as practical functions and structures of those who possess the power to make nuclear decisions and those who have the practical means and physical opportunity to execute those decisions. While the book assesses the whole spectrum of political oversight and control mechanisms in operation for each country--including the roles and requirements of the executive, the military and specialized civilian institutions--it also takes a closer look at parliamentary institutions and civil society at large.
As nuclear terrorism, proliferation and disarmament vie for the top slot on the global security agenda, a comparative understanding of the various national nuclear discourses is no longer optional, but required.