On 30 January 1933, Alfred Hugenberg's conservative German National People's Party (DNVP) formed a coalition government with the Nazi Party, thus enabling Hitler to accede to the chancellorship. This book analyzes in detail the complicated relationship between Conservatives and Nazis and offers a re-interpretation of the Nazi seizure of power - the decisive months between 30 January and 14 July 1933. The Machtergreifung is characterized here as a period of all-pervasive violence and lawlessness with incessant conflicts between Nazis and German Nationals and Nazi attacks on the conservative Burgertum, a far cry from the traditional depiction of the takeover as a relatively bloodless, virtually sterile assumption of power by one vast impersonal apparatus wresting control from another. The author scrutinizes the revolutionary character of the Nazi seizure of power, the Nazis' attacks on the conservative Burgertum and its values, and National Socialism's co-optation of conservative symbols of state power to serve radically new goals, while addressing the issue of why the DNVP was complicit in this and paradoxically participated in eroding the foundations of its very own principles and bases of support.

On 30 January 1933, Alfred Hugenberg's conservative German National People's Party (DNVP) formed a coalition government with the Nazi Party, thus enabling Hitler to accede to the chancellorship. This book analyzes in detail the complicated relationship between Conservatives and Nazis and offers a re-interpretation of the Nazi seizure of power - the decisive months between 30 January and 14 July 1933. The Machtergreifung is characterized here as a period of all-pervasive violence and lawlessness with incessant conflicts between Nazis and German Nationals and Nazi attacks on the conservative Burgertum, a far cry from the traditional depiction of the takeover as a relatively bloodless, virtually sterile assumption of power by one vast impersonal apparatus wresting control from another. The author scrutinizes the revolutionary character of the Nazi seizure of power, the Nazis' attacks on the conservative Burgertum and its values, and National Socialism's co-optation of conservative symbols of state power to serve radically new goals, while addressing the issue of why the DNVP was complicit in this and paradoxically participated in eroding the foundations of its very own principles and bases of support.

Though often depicted as a rapid political transformation, the Nazi seizure of power was in fact a process that extended from the appointment of the Papen cabinet in the early summer of 1932 through the Roehm blood purge two years later. Across fourteen rigorous and carefully researched chapters, From Weimar to Hitler offers a compelling collective investigation of this critical period in modern German history. Each case study presents new empirical research on the crisis of Weimar democracy, the establishment of the Nazi dictatorship, and Hitler's consolidation of power. Together, they provide multiple perspectives on the extent to which the triumph of Nazism was historically predetermined or the product of human miscalculation and intent.

Though often depicted as a rapid political transformation, the Nazi seizure of power was in fact a process that extended from the appointment of the Papen cabinet in the early summer of 1932 through the Roehm blood purge two years later. Across fourteen rigorous and carefully researched chapters, From Weimar to Hitler offers a compelling collective investigation of this critical period in modern German history. Each case study presents new empirical research on the crisis of Weimar democracy, the establishment of the Nazi dictatorship, and Hitler's consolidation of power. Together, they provide multiple perspectives on the extent to which the triumph of Nazism was historically predetermined or the product of human miscalculation and intent.

As the Nazis staged their takeover in 1933, instances of antisemitic violence began to soar. While previous historical research assumed that this violence happened much later, Hermann Beck counteracts this, drawing on sources from twenty German archives, and focussing on this early violence, and on the reaction of German institutions and the elites who led them. Before the Holocaust examines the antisemitic violence experienced in this period - from boycotts, violent attacks, robbery, extortion, abductions, and humiliating 'pillory marches', to grievous bodily harm and murder - which has hitherto not been adequately recognized. Beck then analyses the reactions of those institutions that still had the capacity to protest against Nazi attacks and legislative measures - the Protestant Church, the Catholic Church, the bureaucracies, and Hitler's conservative coalition partner, the DNVP - and the mindset of the elites who led them, to determine their various responses to flagrant antisemitic abuses. Individual protests against violent attacks, the April boycott, and Nazi legislative measures were already hazardous in March and April 1933, but established institutions in the German State and society were still able to voice their concerns and raise objections. By doing so, they might have stopped or at least postponed a radicalization that eventually led to the pogrom of 1938 (Kristallnacht) and the Holocaust.

Erweitert um den Baustoff Glas, werden die Kriterien fur die Formgebung und die bauliche Durchbildung sowie die Bemessung von Bauteilen anhand einfacher und anschaulicher Regeln vermittelt. Solche werden aus einfachen Gleichgewichtsbetrachtungen und aus dem Verhalten der Bauteile bei Belastung hergeleitet. Das Buch hilft dem im Entwerfen noch weniger Geubtem, ein Tragsystem wesensgerecht zu einem Tragwerk auszuformen. Es weckt das Gespur fur konstruktive Zusammenhange und fur die geeignete Verwendung der Baustoffe, sei es Aluminium, Glas, Holz, Stahl, Stahlbeton oder Spannbeton.
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Das historische Buch k nnen zahlreiche Rechtschreibfehler, fehlende Texte, Bilder, oder einen Index. K ufer k nnen eine kostenlose gescannte Kopie des Originals (ohne Tippfehler) durch den Verlag. 1901. Nicht dargestellt. Auszug: ... ihn der eine in das Gemach, der andere aber herausziehen zc. Jm Gebete suchte und fand Klee, wie er bekennt, Klarheit und Festigkeit im Beharren bei Luther und Brenz. Es gew hrt Jnteresse und ist sicher typisch f r den Weg, auf dem in jenen Jahrzehnten mancher Christ aus dem Papsttum zur evangelischen Kirche gekommen ist, zu beobachten, wie sich bei Klee in ruhiger Entwicklung ohne gewaltsamen Bruch, wenn auch nicht ohne innere K mpfe und unter mancherlei u eren Einfl ssen, der Uebergang vom v terlichen Glauben zur evangelischen Erkenntnis vollzogen hat. Zweites Kapitel. Die theologische Bildung. Vergegenw rtigen wir uns den Boden, den Klee in Stra burg betreten hatte und aus dem er s r die Folgezeit seine geistige Nahrung sog.') Seit der Er ffnung des Gymnasiums 1538 hatte als dessen Rektor der bekannte Schulmann Johann Sturm auf den Betrieb der humanistischen Studien nachhaltenden Einflu ausge bt. Das Jdeal, das er verfolgte, war die pietss litterata, die Verbindung klassischer Bildung mit evangelischer Fr mmigkeit. Da dabei Sturm dem Latein die Pflege der Muttersprache opferte, wird man ihm in einem Zeitalter, in dem der Sinn f r diese nur bei wenigen zu treffen war, nicht zu hoch anrechnen d rfen. Dagegen brach er mit den scholastischen Methoden und Spitzfindigkeiten, vereinfachte die Dialektik und verband sie mit der Rhetorik, auch gab er der Mathematik und Physik wieder die ihnen geb hrende Stellung im Unterrichte. Sturm war, als Klee etwa 1587 nach Stra burg kam, seit sechs Jahren seines Amtes entsetzt, doch auf seinem Gymnasium lebte sein Geist fort. Mit diesem kam Klee w hrend der n chsten Jahre in Ber hrung. Wic...