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This book explores how digital authoritarianism operates in India,
Pakistan, Turkey, Indonesia, and Malaysia, and how religion can be
used to legitimize digital authoritarianism within democracies. In
doing so, it explains how digital authoritarianism operates
at various technological levels including sub-network level, proxy
level, and user level, and elaborates on how governments seek to
control cyberspace and social media. In each of these states,
governments, in an effort to prolong – or even make permanent –
their rule, seek to eliminate freedom of expression on the
internet, punish dissidents, and spread pro-state propaganda. At
the same time, they instrumentalize religion to justify and
legitimize digital authoritarianism. Governments in these five
countries, to varying degrees and at times using different methods,
censor the internet, but also use digital technology to generate
public support for their policies, key political figures, and at
times their worldview or ideology. They also, and again to varying
degrees, use digital technology to demonize religious and ethnic
minorities, opposition parties, and political dissidents. An
understanding of these aspects would help scholars and the public
understand both the technical and social aspects of digital
authoritarianism in these five countries.
This edited book examines the growing worldwide phenomenon of
civilizational populism in democratic nation-states and brings
together research that explores this in a wide variety of
religious, political, and geographic contexts. In doing so, the
book shows how, from Europe to India and Pakistan, and from
Indonesia to the Americas, populists increasingly define national
belonging through civilizational identity, claiming that the world
can be divided into several religion-defined civilizations with
incompatible values. The volume also discusses the complex
relationship between civilizational populism, democracy and
nationalism and shows how nationalists often use civilizational
identity to help define ingroups and outgroups within their
society. With this, the book investigates the salience of the
concept, its widespread and influential nature, and also explains
how populists construct civilizational identities, and
the factors behind the rise of civilizational populism.
Drawing on theories of legal pluralism, this book tests whether and
to what extent claims of the modern nation-state laws to exclusive
dominance over other spheres are tenable, and reassesses the
operation of law in society. Incorporating a combination of legal
theory, post-modern critique and socio-legal analysis of three
current jurisdictions in which Muslims play an important role, the
volume identifies Muslims' current socio-legal situation and
attitudes from different perspectives and reconciles them with
modern legal systems in three key countries. It analyzes the
conflict between the assumptions of modern legal systems and plural
legal realities, and also examines attempts by modern legal systems
to impose official laws in the face of resistance from unofficial
Muslim laws and discusses possible responses to the challenge of
dynamic Muslim legal pluralism. A valuable resource for students,
researchers and academics with an interest in the areas of Islamic
law and politics, and the interplay between secular law and
religious/cultural traditions.
Drawing on theories of legal pluralism, this book tests whether and
to what extent claims of the modern nation-state laws to exclusive
dominance over other spheres are tenable, and reassesses the
operation of law in society. Incorporating a combination of legal
theory, post-modern critique and socio-legal analysis of three
current jurisdictions in which Muslims play an important role, the
volume identifies Muslims' current socio-legal situation and
attitudes from different perspectives and reconciles them with
modern legal systems in three key countries. It analyzes the
conflict between the assumptions of modern legal systems and plural
legal realities, and also examines attempts by modern legal systems
to impose official laws in the face of resistance from unofficial
Muslim laws and discusses possible responses to the challenge of
dynamic Muslim legal pluralism. A valuable resource for students,
researchers and academics with an interest in the areas of Islamic
law and politics, and the interplay between secular law and
religious/cultural traditions.
This book investigates Turkey's departure from a 'flawed democracy'
under Kemalist secularism, and its transitioning into Islamist
authoritarian Erdoganism, through the lenses of informal law, legal
pluralism, and legal hybridity. In doing so, it examines the
attempts of Turkey's ruling party (AKP) at social engineering and
gradual Islamisation of the Turkish state and society, by using
informal Islamist laws. To that end, the book argues that the AKP
has paved the way for Islamist legal hybridity where society,
state, and law, are being gradually Islamised on an ad hoc basis.
Informal law and legal pluralism in Turkey have had a non-state
characteristic which have permitted Muslims to solve disputes by
seeking the opinions of religio-legal scholars. Yet under the AKP
rule, this informal legal system has become increasingly dominated
by conservatives, sometimes radical Islamists, which the governing
party has taken advantage of by either formalizing some parts of
the informal Islamist law, or using it informally to mobilize its
supporters against the opposition.
This book explores state-religion relations under a populist
authoritarian ruling party in Turkey. In doing so, it investigates
how the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) instrumentalizes
state-controlled religion to further, defend, legitimatize and
propagate its authoritarian populist political agenda in a
constitutionally secular nation-state. To exemplify this, the
authors examine the Friday sermons delivered weekly in every mosque
in Turkey by the Turkish State's Directorate of Religious Affairs
(Diyanet). By analyzing all sermons delivered between 2010-2021,
the book shows how the Diyanet has enthusiastically adopted AKP's
increasingly Islamist, authoritarian, civilisationist, militarist
and pro-violence populism since 2010, and how it has tried to
socially engineer beliefs in line with this ideology.
Using semi-structured interviews with 122 young Muslims in
Australia, the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States of America
(USA) from diverse ethnic backgrounds, this book investigates the
lived reality of young Muslims from their own perspectives. It
explores their ideas of key Islamic and secular issues, their
struggles, world views, triumphs, how the stigmatized group
negotiates their identity in these three English language speaking
Western countries, 20 years after 9/11. The key aspect of this book
is to transcend binaries and reductionisms by exploring what
Muslims actually think and say rather than intellectual
articulations on them. The book presents a very detailed account of
these young Muslims in the Anglophone West on their political
beliefs, their knowledge and understanding of sharia law, their
interest and participation in local and transnational political
activism, their positive and negative feelings about their own
communities, and indeed how they define their community.
This book investigates Turkey’s departure from a ‘flawed
democracy’ under Kemalist secularism, and its transitioning into
Islamist authoritarian ErdoÄŸanism, through the lenses of informal
law, legal pluralism, and legal hybridity. In doing so, it
examines the attempts of Turkey’s ruling party (AKP) at
social engineering and gradual Islamisation of the Turkish state
and society, by using informal Islamist laws. To that end, the book
argues that the AKP has paved the way for Islamist legal hybridity
where society, state, and law, are being gradually Islamised on an
ad hoc basis. Informal law and legal pluralism in Turkey have
had a non-state characteristic which have permitted Muslims to
solve disputes by seeking the opinions of religio-legal scholars.
Yet under the AKP rule, this informal legal system has become
increasingly dominated by conservatives, sometimes radical
Islamists, which the governing party has taken advantage of by
either formalizing some parts of the informal Islamist law, or
using it informally to mobilize its supporters against the
opposition.
This book focuses on securitization and authoritarianism in Turkey
with research on the country’s Islamist populist ruling party’s
(AKP) oppression of different socio-political, ethnic and religious
groups. In doing so, it analyzes how the AKP has securitized to
oppress different socio-political groups and identities, according
to the time and need for the party's political survival. Research
in the book sheds light on the use of traumas, conspiracy theories,
and fear as tools in the securitization and repression processes.
Â
This book explores state-religion relations under a populist
authoritarian ruling party in Turkey. In doing so, it investigates
how the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) instrumentalizes
state-controlled religion to further, defend, legitimatize and
propagate its authoritarian populist political agenda in a
constitutionally secular nation-state. To exemplify this, the
authors examine the Friday sermons delivered weekly in every mosque
in Turkey by the Turkish State's Directorate of Religious Affairs
(Diyanet). By analyzing all sermons delivered between 2010-2021,
the book shows how the Diyanet has enthusiastically adopted AKP's
increasingly Islamist, authoritarian, civilisationist, militarist
and pro-violence populism since 2010, and how it has tried to
socially engineer beliefs in line with this ideology.
This books explores the rise of civilizational populism throughout
the world, and its consequences. Civilizational populism posits
that democracy ought to be based upon enacting the 'people's will',
yet it adds a new and troubling dimension to populism's thin
ideology: a civilization based classification of peoples and
division of society. Today, we increasingly find not conflict
between civilizations, but conflict within states over their
civilizational identity. From Western Europe to Turkey, and from
India and Pakistan to Indonesia, populists are increasingly
employing a civilization based classification of peoples in order
to define the identities of 'the people' and their perceived
enemies. This book is the first to examine civilizational populism
as global phenomenon rather than a uniquely Western form of
politics. Through a series of case studies, the book examines the
role played by religion in forming civilizational identities, but
also investigates the often deleterious consequences of
civilizational populism entering the political mainstream.
This book examines how Turkey's ruling party, the Justice and
Development Party (AKP), under the leadership of Recep Tayyip
Erdogan produces and employs necropolitical narratives in order to
perpetuate its authoritarian rule. In doing so, the book argues
that as the party transitioned from socially conservative Muslim
democratic values to authoritarian Islamism, it embraced a
necropolitical narrative based on the promotion of martyrdom, and
of killing and dying for the Turkish nation and Islam, as part of
their authoritarian legitimation. This narrative, the book shows,
is used by the party to legitimise its actions and deflect its
failures through the framing of the deaths of Turkish soldiers and
civilians, which have occurred due to the AKP's political errors,
as martyrdom events in which loyal servants of the Turkish Republic
and God gave their lives in order to protect the nation in a time
of great crisis. This book also describes how, throughout its
second decade in power, the AKP has used Turkey's education system,
its Directorate of Religious Affairs, and television programs in
order to propagate its necropolitical martyrdom narrative.
The exploration of the contributions is made with regards to the
title in hand by the thought and practice of the global movement
associated with the Turkish Muslim scholar Fethullah Gulen. The
importance and distinctiveness of teaching of Gulen and the
practice of the movement is that it is rooted in a confident
Turkish Islamic heritage while being fully engaged with modernity.
It offers the possibility of a contextualised renewal of Islam for
Muslims in the modern world while being fully rooted in the
teachings of the Qu'ran and the Sunnah of the Prophet. It advocates
the freedom of religion while making an Islamic contribution to the
wider society based on a commitment to service of others.
As a leading movement in contemporary Turkey with a universal
educational and inter-faith agenda, the Gulen movement aims to
promote creative and positive relations between the West and the
Muslim world and to articulate a critically constructive position
on such issues as democracy, multi-culturalism, globalisation, and
interfaith dialogue in the context of secular modernity. Many
countries in the predominantly Muslim world are in a time of
transition and of opening to democratic development of which the
so-called "Arab Spring" has seen only the most recent and dramatic
developments. Particularly against that background, there has been
a developing interest in "the Turkish model" of transition from
authoritarianism to democracy. "The Muslim World and Politics in
Transition" includes chapters written by international scholars
with expertise in relation to the contexts that it addresses. It
discusses how the Gulen movement has positioned itself and has
sought to contribute within societies - including the movement's
home country of Turkey - in which Muslims are in the majority and
Islam forms a major part of the cultural, religious and historical
inheritance.The movement and initiatives inspired by the Turkish
Muslim scholar Fethullah Gulen began in Turkey, but can now be
found throughout the world, including in both Europe and in the
'Muslim world'. Bloomsbury has a companion volume edited by Paul
Weller and Ihsan Yilmaz on "European Muslims, Civility and Public
Life: Perspectives on and From the Gulen Movement."
As a leading movement in contemporary Turkey with a universal
educational and inter-faith agenda, the Gulen movement aims to
promote creative and positive relations between the West and the
Muslim world and to articulate a critically constructive position
on such issues as democracy, multi-culturalism, globalisation, and
interfaith dialogue in the context of secular modernity. Many
countries in the predominantly Muslim world are in a time of
transition and of opening to democratic development of which the
so-called "Arab Spring" has seen only the most recent and dramatic
developments. Particularly against that background, there has been
a developing interest in "the Turkish model" of transition from
authoritarianism to democracy. The Muslim World and Politics in
Transition includes chapters written by international scholars with
expertise in relation to the contexts that it addresses. It
discusses how the Gulen movement has positioned itself and has
sought to contribute within societies - including the movement's
home country of Turkey - in which Muslims are in the majority and
Islam forms a major part of the cultural, religious and historical
inheritance. The movement and initiatives inspired by the Turkish
Muslim scholar Fethullah Gulen began in Turkey, but can now be
found throughout the world, including in both Europe and in the
'Muslim world'. Bloomsbury has a companion volume edited by Paul
Weller and Ihsan Yilmaz on European Muslims, Civility and Public
Life: Perspectives on and From the Gulen Movement.
This title includes an assessment of the influence and impact of
the Islamic scholar and activist Fethullah Gulen, and those who are
inspired by him, on contemporary Islam. This edited collection
deals with the challenges and opportunities faced by Muslims and
the wider society in Europe following the Madrid train bombings of
2003 and the London Transport attacks of 2007. The contributors
explore the challenges to the concept and practice of civility in
public life within a European context, and demonstrates the
contributions that can be made in this regard by the thought and
practice of the global movement associated with the Turkish Muslim
scholar Fethullah Gulen. The importance and distinctiveness of
teaching of Gulen and the practice of the movement is that it is
rooted in a confident Turkish Islamic heritage while being fully
engaged with modernity. It offers the possibility of a
contextualised renewal of Islam for Muslims in Europe while being
fully rooted in the teachings of the Qu'ran and the Sunnah of the
Prophet. This volume is an important contribution to the study of
the movement, which advocates the freedom of religion while making
an Islamic contribution to the wider society based on a commitment
to service of others.
For decades after the declaration of the Republic of Turkey in
1923, the Turkish state promoted the idea of a desired citizen. The
Kemalist state treated these citizens as superior, with full
rights; but the 'others', those outside this desired citizenship,
were either tolerated or considered undesirable citizens. And this
caused the marginalization of ethnic and religious minorities,
religious Muslims and leftists alike. In this book, Ihsan Yilmaz
shows how historical traumas, victimhood, insecurities, anxieties,
fears and siege mentality have negatively impacted on and
radicalised the nation-building projects of the two competing
hegemonic ideologies/regimes (those of Ataturk and Erdogan) and
their treatment of majority and minority ethnic, religious and
political groups. Yilmaz reveals the significant degree of overlap
between the desired, undesired citizen and tolerated citizen
categories of these two regimes, showing how both regimes aimed to
create a perception of a homogenous Turkish nation.
This is an assessment of the influence and impact of the Islamic
scholar and activist Fethullah Gulen, and those who are inspired by
him, on contemporary Islam. This edited collection deals with the
challenges and opportunities faced by Muslims and the wider society
in Europe following the Madrid train bombings of 2003 and the
London Transport attacks of 2007. The contributors explore the
challenges to the concept and practice of civility in public life
within a European context, and demonstrates the contributions that
can be made in this regard by the thought and practice of the
global movement associated with the Turkish Muslim scholar
Fethullah Gulen. The importance and distinctiveness of teaching of
Gulen and the practice of the movement is that it is rooted in a
confident Turkish Islamic heritage while being fully engaged with
modernity. It offers the possibility of a contextualised renewal of
Islam for Muslims in Europe while being fully rooted in the
teachings of the Qu'ran and the Sunnah of the Prophet. This volume
is an important contribution to the study of the movement, which
advocates the freedom of religion while making an Islamic
contribution to the wider society based on a commitment to service
of others.
Welches Wagnis es bedeutet, die Geschichte, Kultur und insbesondere
die Schrift einer Gesellschaft, die auf eine mehr als tausendjhrige
Geschichte zurckblickt, in die Hnde einer knapp drei Monate lang
arbeitenden Schriftkommission zu legen, zeigt die Geschichte der
republikanischen Trkei. Die vorliegende Forschungsarbeit versucht
eine Annherung an die trkische Sprachpolitik. Sie hlt eine
wissenschaftliche sprachplanerische Argumentation im Dienst der
rationalen und humanen Sprachpolitik fr erstrebenswert. Diese
Forschungsarbeit weist besonders darauf hin, dass viele
Dritte-Welt-Lnder versuchten und versuchen, ihre Schrift und
Sprache zu latinisieren, um die heutigen Bedrfnisse nach
technischer und vor allem wissenschaftlicher Kommunikation zu
befriedigen, wobei sie zwecks Befolgung eines strengen
Sprachnationalismus die eigenen Sprachdynamiken zumindest
vernachlssigen, wenn nicht gar verwerfen. Diese Arbeit weist auch
auf andere, durchdachte, Sprachplanungen hin, bei denen die
sprachwissenschaftlichen Regeln nicht verletzt wurden. Folgende
Themen werden in dieser Arbeit ebenfalls errtert: - Fragen der
trkischen Sprachrevolution unter Heranziehung der russischen
Sprachpolitik - Stillstand der sprachpolitischen
Modernisierungsprozesse seit 1928 - Fortschritte in der
Sprachpolitik seit der Unterzeichnung der Beitrittsverhandlungen
der Trkei zur EU - Analphabetismus - Einfluss der Politik auf die
Sprache - Anmerkungen zur trkischen Sprachpolitik hinsichtlich der
kurdischen Volkssprache - Vergleiche des Analphabetismus zwischen
der trkischen und den westlichen Gesellschaften - Diskussion ber
die trkische Identitt - Schwierigkeiten bei der Lautwiedergabe im
osmanisch- Trkischen und bei den Erben des Mutterlateins Dies ist
die erweiterte Fassung der Dissertation "Die politische Debatte um
die trkische Schrift- und Sprachrevolution von 1928" aus dem Jahr
2008.
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