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This is the first volume of a ground-breaking new work by Jürgen Habermas on the history of philosophy. Here Habermas sets out the ideas informing his systematic account of the history of Western philosophy as a genealogy of postmetaphysical thinking. His account goes far beyond a vindication of the enduring relevance of philosophical reflection founded on communicative reason as a source of orientation in the modern world. He contrasts this conception in the opening chapter with prominent diagnoses of the supposed crisis of Enlightenment reason and culture that seek redemption in the affirmation of traditional religious authority (Schmitt), the timeless validity of Greek metaphysics (Strauss), a numinous conception of nature (Löwith), or a happening of being that speaks to us from beyond the mists of pre-Socratic thought (Heidegger). Habermas situates Western thought in relation to the traditions of thought founded in the major world views (Judaism, Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism) that continue to shape contemporary culture and civilization. At the same time, he lays the groundwork for the analysis in the later volumes of the constitutive role played by the discourse on faith and knowledge in the development of Western philosophy which is the result of the unique symbiosis that Christianity entered into with Greek thought with the Christianization of the Roman Empire. Far from raising claims to exclusivity, completeness or closure, Habermas’s account, published in English in three volumes, opens up new lines of research and reflection that will influence the humanities and social sciences for decades to come.
Jürgen Habermas’s book The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, first published in 1962, has long been recognized as one of the most important works of 20th century social thought. Blending together philosophy and social history, he outlined a theory of the public sphere as a domain situated between civil society and the state, a domain in which citizens could scrutinize the activities of public officials and debate matters of common concern. In his later works, Habermas would repeatedly question the role played by the public sphere in the safeguarding of democratic community. Now, in view of the crisis of democracy and the digital revolution, he returns to the same theme. The central concern of this new book is new media and their platform structure, which are increasingly relegating traditional mass media – significant drivers of the ‘old’ structural transformation – to the background. Habermas argues that the forms of communication associated with new media harm the self-awareness of the political public sphere, inducing a new structural transformation with grave consequences for deliberative democracy, the construction of public opinion and will formation.
Jürgen Habermas’s book The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, first published in 1962, has long been recognized as one of the most important works of 20th century social thought. Blending together philosophy and social history, he outlined a theory of the public sphere as a domain situated between civil society and the state, a domain in which citizens could scrutinize the activities of public officials and debate matters of common concern. In his later works, Habermas would repeatedly question the role played by the public sphere in the safeguarding of democratic community. Now, in view of the crisis of democracy and the digital revolution, he returns to the same theme. The central concern of this new book is new media and their platform structure, which are increasingly relegating traditional mass media – significant drivers of the ‘old’ structural transformation – to the background. Habermas argues that the forms of communication associated with new media harm the self-awareness of the political public sphere, inducing a new structural transformation with grave consequences for deliberative democracy, the construction of public opinion and will formation.
Does a global economy render the traditional nation-state obsolete? Does globalization threaten democratic life, or offer it new forms of expression? What are the implications of globalization for our understanding of politics and of national and cultural identities?
Universities must transmit technically exploitable knowledge. That is, they must meet an industrial society's need for qualified new generations and at the same time be concerned with the expanded reproduction of education itself. In addition, universities must not only transmit technically exploitable knowledge, but also produce it. This includes both information flowing from research into the channels of industrial utilization, armament, and social welfare, and advisory knowledge that enters into strategies of administration, government, and other decision-making powers, such as private enterprises. Thus, through instruction and research the university is immediately connected with functions of the economic process.
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Robert Hamblin
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