This book shows how France and Britain are leaders in EU security and defence policy, and explains why both states need each other in this policy area. The lack of relevant military capacity in Europe today implies that the US favours a strong EU in this field.

"Values and Weapons" looks at the determinants of legitimacy for using military force in the US and Europe. The non-intervention norm is weakened by the advent of terror groups in failed states as well as by so-called humanitarian intervention. The development of a norm that calls for a 'duty to protect' has paved the way for intervention also into so-called 'failed' states. Sovereignty has been redefined to be conditional on democratic government, and this makes it much easier to intervene into non-democratic states.

"NATO has many European and global partner countries. The political and military utility of all these partnerships is clear; they 'provide' more security than they 'consume.' But the utility for NATO of partners also changes over time. This book scrutinizes these partnerships, both from a NATO perspective and from that of its partners"--

The question of burden sharing has always been important in NATO with an acute relevance today as the US will cut its defence budget over a ten-year period and is no longer automatically willing to lead military operations. This volume considers Europe's role in political force for the future exploring eight European case studies.

Values and Weapons looks at the determinants of legitimacy for using military force in the US and Europe. Sovereignty has been redefined to be conditional on democratic government, and this makes it much easier to intervene into non-democratic states.

The question of burden sharing has always been important in NATO - it has in fact resulted a "crisis literature" on NATO - but it has an acute relevance today because the US will cut its defence budget over a ten-year period and is no longer automatically willing to lead military operations. The Libya mission 'Unified Protector' is a case in point: the US did not want to lead, but was forced to "lead from behind" because allies lacked some of the necessary capacities. Thus, even if Europeans are politically willing, as in this case, they may not be militarily able to use force.
This edited collection asks whether Europe, in a current situation of economic austerity and postmodern political values, can play a key role in regional and global security and defence. Hitherto Europeans have been called upon to rise to the occasion of matching the US with minor contributions, ranging from "showing the flag" to militarily important contributions. But when the US signals that its lead role no longer is automatic, what about the European allies? Can they and will they undertake sharp operations on their own, assuming leading roles? Which of NATO's European allies are able militarily, and willing politically, to undertake "sharp operations" and to actually use force for the purpose of policy? This issue is of key importance for policy as well as for scholarship on NATO. In this volume, the ability and willingness to use force for political purposes amongst NATO's European members are explored, firstly considering the important drivers for the use of force, namely history, political culture, economy and threat perceptions, and then scrutinising the use of force in eight European NATO countries: the UK, France, Germany, Spain, Poland, Hungary, Denmark and Norway.

This book is the first analysis of French-British leadership in the security and defence policy of the EU. The French return to NATO while the British take a lead in the ESDP. Why? The reasons are the new national interests that emerge when European states pay less for defence and fail to modernize, while the US calls for more effort in order to have allies that can contribute to the demanding wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Africa. The need for multilateral military burden-sharing has never been clearer: no state can deploy without the political support of others, and governments need to share blame and risk. The new national interests also imply that France, Britain, and the US share an interest in the ESDP. This paperback version includes a preface on the EU's latest position as an international security actor.

NATO has many European and global partner countries. The political and military utility of all these partnerships is clear; they 'provide' more security than they 'consume'. But the utility for NATO of partners also changes over time. This book scrutinizes these partnerships, both from a NATO perspective and from that of its partners.

This book shows how France and Britain are leaders in EU security and defense policy, and explains why both states need each other in this policy area. The lack of relevant military capacity in Europe today implies that the US favors a strong EU in this field.

What led a young Norwegian woman, who grew up with a deep love for the rugged and majestic scenery of her native land, and was educated in its secular, post-Protestant culture, to become a Catholic? This book recounts the various stages of that adventurous journey. Janne Haaland Matlry's love for the unspoiled scenery of her homeland was matched by her passion for research and her joy in exploring areas of knowledge which take us by surprise, forcing us to ask ourselves ever bigger questions. For Janne the many and various questions which presented themselves in the course of her journey converge in a single fundamental question: is it possible to know the truth? Or is everything relative? Eventually the moment came, at Easter 1982, when Janne took the step of converting to the Catholic Church. She was then 25. The knowledge that she had discovered the truth, or rather that it had discovered her - the sense of being taken by surprise - was itself overwhelming. Becoming one with revealed truth was like being touched by and filled with a long-sought-after love. Truth was revealed in the form of love The whole structure of the faith and of Catholic life are present in the various stages of Janne's journey towards conversion, and through her book, we can, so to speak, learn afresh what it means to be a Catholic. Thanks to this book, it is possible to return to the state of 'first love', to experience once again the greatness and daring of the 'yes' of Catholicism, its vastness, its light, and the joy that strengthens us on the precarious path of faith, and keeps intact the intensity of that first love which alone can show us the way to the summit. That is why I hope this book will have the widest possible distribution. Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger - from the Preface, written shortly before his election as Pope Benedict XVI Janne Haaland Matlry is professor of international politics at the University of Oslo. An expert in security policy and European politics, she was deputy foreign minister of Norway 1997-2000, and has served as a diplomat for the Holy See at various UN conferences. She is a member of the Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace and a consultor to the Pontifical Council for the Family. Married and with four children, she is a Dame of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta.