This is not a story about death.

It is a story about one couple's journey of acceptance, love, and internal awakenings. Kelly and Joe met by chance, but were bound by fate. One morning in the summer of 2010, Kelly Boedigheimer, a thirty-nine year old man in good health, discovered what he thought was yet another ingrown hair on his chin. That was the first step on the life-changing journey he would share with Joe Peterson, his life partner since 1998.

Months later - following three surgical procedures, where each was more aggressive than the last - Kelly and Joe faced the inconceivable: Kelly was diagnosed with melanoma.

In early 2011, Kelly met with a team of specialists at the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota. Another surgery, this one more wide-ranging than the others, removed a section of skin from his chin and a portion of his cheek. A graft from his arm provided new skin for those areas. Highly concerned about this aggressive melanoma, doctor's proceeded quickly to save and protect Kelly.

Here, Joe lovingly and painfully recreates Kelly's final nine months through journal entries, e-mails, blog posts, texts, and more. Their relationship was tested as too many are; in this visit back to those days, Joe unfolds an inspiring telling of the power of love, optimism, and hope.

This is not a story about death. This is a story about love.

An examination of the political participation of the six member states of the Gulf Co-operation Council: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Saudi Arabia paying particular attention to the popular demands within these countries for individual representation and the subsequent consequences of the establishment of national councils in response. The results of these actions have been mixed; in Kuwait and Bahrain the elected national assemblies have been suspended although the consultative councils in Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman have afforded some measure of success. It concludes that despite their limitations, the national councils have performed a number of functions including state legitimation, legislative review, government accountability and the legitimation of minority political participation.

The development of North Yemen in the twentieth century was one of the most interesting features of the Arabian Peninsula. After the traumas of the civil war which embroiled Nasser's Egypt, the country emerged from its traditional tribal heritage into the modern world. Sandwiched between Saudi Arabia and Marxist South Yemen, the country had an awkward and delicate problem in balancing its political affiliations and in resisting external pressure on its internal affairs. This book, first published in 1982, traces the history of the Yemen from the 1930s and looks at the way in which the traditional political structures were modernised and how the country coped with these strains both internally and externally.

The defence of the Gulf has been a vital strategic concern for close on 100 years. The British first became involved in the Gulf to protect the sea routes to India and with the development of international air routes the Gulf became a crucial staging post. This book, first published in 1986, surveys the strategic issues in the defence of the Gulf from the earliest British involvement up to the Iraq-Iran war. It examines the British retreat from the Gulf and the imperial vestiges that were left behind. It considers the way in which American interests in the Gulf came to replace British interests and it analyses how American foreign policy has responded to this additional responsibility. The book also investigates the regional concerns of Gulf security and the intra-regional conflicts that have erupted in the Iraq-Iran war.

Oman was ruled by the Al Bu Sa'id for 250 years, and during this period the fortunes of the state varied considerably. But in July 1970, as a result of a palace coup, the state abruptly turned away from isolation and traditions of the past. The most obvious alteration was in the dramatic change in the outward appearance of the country, particularly as exemplified by the rejection of the long era of stagnation and the parallel emphasis on socio-economic development. In the political realm, however, the shifting balance of power and the rapid growth and diversification of the state's administrative structure were based essentially on perennial themes in Omani politics. The interplay between four of these themes forms the basis of this study, first published in 1978. The role of the Sultan and the ruling family, the development of the administration, the exercise of tribal politics and the impact of external influences on the state are closely examined and the modifications they went in response to the various challenges of the twentieth century are discussed. The constant flux in the relative importance of each of these themes illustrates the fragile nature of the traditional Omani political system, for in the twentieth century the Al Bu Sa'id Sultanate found its precarious hold over the country challenged on a number of occasions. These challenges - ranging from the tribal and religious rebellion of 1913-20, to the Marxist-Leninist revolt in Dhufar - are also analysed in detail, together with the response of the Sultanate to their impact.

The 1962 coup d'etat in North Yemen initiated one of the most debilitating Middle East conflicts ever, the eight-year civil war in North Yemen. This conflict in an obscure corner of the Arab world eventually assumed global importance, attracting the attention of the superpowers and the United Nations. This book focuses on the Yemeni civil war's impact at the regional level, where it provoked enmity between two influential Arab states, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Dr. Badeeb argues that for Egypt, the war constituted a means of intensifying and confirming its role as the leader of the revolutionary camp in the Arab world. For Saudi Arabia, however, it presented a direct challenge to the security and stability of the kingdom. Dr. Badeeb provides a valuable elucidation of Saudi Arabia's concern over Yemen as a potential source of political and strategic upheaval. This lately unappreciated aspect of the regional security picture is in part a legacy of the Saudi-Egyptian conflict of the 1960s and is one of the central elements of current Saudi security policy.

This paper examines Saudi Arabia's security from the Saudi point of view, concentrating on internal challenges to the country's security as well as external threats. It argues that Saudi Arabia should pursue a policy of inclusion <i>vis-a-vis</i> Iraq and Iran, rather than simply following the Western emphasis on the exclusion of these states. It also surveys US-Saudi relations in the aftermath of the terrorist strikes of 11 September 2001 and concludes that, while relations have been damaged, a continued co-operative relationship is in the interest of both parties.

The 1962 coup d'etat in North Yemen initiated one of the most debilitating Middle East conflicts ever, the eight-year civil war in North Yemen. This conflict in an obscure corner of the Arab world eventually assumed global importance, attracting the attention of the superpowers and the United Nations. This book focuses on the Yemeni civil war's impact at the regional level, where it provoked enmity between two influential Arab states, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Dr. Badeeb argues that for Egypt, the war constituted a means of intensifying and confirming its role as the leader of the revolutionary camp in the Arab world. For Saudi Arabia, however, it presented a direct challenge to the security and stability of the kingdom. Dr. Badeeb provides a valuable elucidation of Saudi Arabia's concern over Yemen as a potential source of political and strategic upheaval. This lately unappreciated aspect of the regional security picture is in part a legacy of the Saudi-Egyptian conflict of the 1960s and is one of the central elements of current Saudi security policy.

First Published in 2005. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor and Francis, an informa company.

The defence of the Gulf has been a vital strategic concern for close on 100 years. The British first became involved in the Gulf to protect the sea routes to India and with the development of international air routes the Gulf became a crucial staging post. This book, first published in 1986, surveys the strategic issues in the defence of the Gulf from the earliest British involvement up to the Iraq-Iran war. It examines the British retreat from the Gulf and the imperial vestiges that were left behind. It considers the way in which American interests in the Gulf came to replace British interests and it analyses how American foreign policy has responded to this additional responsibility. The book also investigates the regional concerns of Gulf security and the intra-regional conflicts that have erupted in the Iraq-Iran war.

Oman was ruled by the Al Bu Sa'id for 250 years, and during this period the fortunes of the state varied considerably. But in July 1970, as a result of a palace coup, the state abruptly turned away from isolation and traditions of the past. The most obvious alteration was in the dramatic change in the outward appearance of the country, particularly as exemplified by the rejection of the long era of stagnation and the parallel emphasis on socio-economic development. In the political realm, however, the shifting balance of power and the rapid growth and diversification of the state's administrative structure were based essentially on perennial themes in Omani politics. The interplay between four of these themes forms the basis of this study, first published in 1978. The role of the Sultan and the ruling family, the development of the administration, the exercise of tribal politics and the impact of external influences on the state are closely examined and the modifications they went in response to the various challenges of the twentieth century are discussed. The constant flux in the relative importance of each of these themes illustrates the fragile nature of the traditional Omani political system, for in the twentieth century the Al Bu Sa'id Sultanate found its precarious hold over the country challenged on a number of occasions. These challenges - ranging from the tribal and religious rebellion of 1913-20, to the Marxist-Leninist revolt in Dhufar - are also analysed in detail, together with the response of the Sultanate to their impact.

The development of North Yemen in the twentieth century was one of the most interesting features of the Arabian Peninsula. After the traumas of the civil war which embroiled Nasser's Egypt, the country emerged from its traditional tribal heritage into the modern world. Sandwiched between Saudi Arabia and Marxist South Yemen, the country had an awkward and delicate problem in balancing its political affiliations and in resisting external pressure on its internal affairs. This book, first published in 1982, traces the history of the Yemen from the 1930s and looks at the way in which the traditional political structures were modernised and how the country coped with these strains both internally and externally.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia now has been under the spotlight of Western curiosity for more than 80 years. With each succeeding year, it seems to encounter increasing scrutiny and deepening suspicions about its intentions. Mre than 15% of the world’s total oil reserves lie underneath Saudi Arabia and, in the early 1990s, the kingdom became the world’s largest crude oil producer. Not surprisingly, a world highly dependent on oil regards the desert kingdom as an area of intense strategic concern, as reflected in the coalition of forces assembled on Saudi soil to oust Iraq from Kuwait in 1991, its role in the invasion of Saddam Husayn’s Iraq in 2003, and its shared concern with the West over Iran’s nuclear intentions throughout the 21st century. This third edition of Historical Dictionary of Saudi Arabia contains a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 1,000 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, politics, economy, foreign relations, religion, and culture. This book is an excellent resource for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about Saudi Arabia.

At its founding in 1932, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was characterized by tribal warfare, political instability, chronic financial shortages and economic crises. As a desert chieftain, Abd al-Aziz Ibn Saud, the ruler and king until 1953, had the skills, the cunning and the power to control the tribes and bring peace to this realm. But financial and economic matters were not his forte and these he left mostly to a single individual, Abdullah al-Sulayman al-Hamdan. He was entrusted with nearly all of the country's early financial dealings and administrative development. The Ministry of Finance, which he headed from its inception, served as nearly the sole government agency dealing with a wide variety of matters, many of which had only a peripheral connection to finance or the economy. This book examines the role of the Ministry of Finance and its minister, Abdullah al-Sulayman, in holding the country together financially and administratively until the promise of substantial oil income was realized a few years after the end of World War II. It will be essential reading for anyone interested in Gulf History and the Economic History of the Middle East.

This is not a story about death.

It is a story about one couple's journey of acceptance, love, and internal awakenings. Kelly and Joe met by chance, but were bound by fate. One morning in the summer of 2010, Kelly Boedigheimer, a thirty-nine year old man in good health, discovered what he thought was yet another ingrown hair on his chin. That was the first step on the life-changing journey he would share with Joe Peterson, his life partner since 1998.

Months later - following three surgical procedures, where each was more aggressive than the last - Kelly and Joe faced the inconceivable: Kelly was diagnosed with melanoma.

In early 2011, Kelly met with a team of specialists at the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota. Another surgery, this one more wide-ranging than the others, removed a section of skin from his chin and a portion of his cheek. A graft from his arm provided new skin for those areas. Highly concerned about this aggressive melanoma, doctor's proceeded quickly to save and protect Kelly.

Here, Joe lovingly and painfully recreates Kelly's final nine months through journal entries, e-mails, blog posts, texts, and more. Their relationship was tested as too many are; in this visit back to those days, Joe unfolds an inspiring telling of the power of love, optimism, and hope.

This is not a story about death. This is a story about love.

An examination of the political participation of the six member states of the Gulf Co-operation Council: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Saudi Arabia paying particular attention to the popular demands within these countries for individual representation and the subsequent consequences of the establishment of national councils in response. The results of these actions have been mixed; in Kuwait and Bahrain the elected national assemblies have been suspended although the consultative councils in Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman have afforded some measure of success. It concludes that despite their limitations, the national councils have performed a number of functions including state legitimation, legislative review, government accountability and the legitimation of minority political participation.