Originally published in 1978, but now re-issued with a new Preface by James Mitchell, this volume traces the rise of the SNP, with special emphasis on explaining the increase of the National Party vote in Scotland from the early 1960s to the late 1970s. The book draws much of its information from interviews with members and ex-members of the SNP, including some who helped to found the party in 1928. In describing the movement and giving an account of its main features, the author begins with a discussion of various aspects of Scottish society which have contributed to the growth of nationalism. These include the political developments of the Labour movement, the economic history of 20th Century Scotland the development of youth culture and in particular, the interest in folk music, as well as developments in the Church, the army, and the press.

Originally published in 1978, but now re-issued with a new Preface by James Mitchell, this volume traces the rise of the SNP, with special emphasis on explaining the increase of the National Party vote in Scotland from the early 1960s to the late 1970s. The book draws much of its information from interviews with members and ex-members of the SNP, including some who helped to found the party in 1928. In describing the movement and giving an account of its main features, the author begins with a discussion of various aspects of Scottish society which have contributed to the growth of nationalism. These include the political developments of the Labour movement, the economic history of 20th Century Scotland the development of youth culture and in particular, the interest in folk music, as well as developments in the Church, the army, and the press.

Originally published in 1974, this study concerns the politics of local government reform between 1942-1974 and describes the struggles between the Ministries, the Local Government Associations and political parties. The political manoeuvrings of the various groups involved are analysed and a theory proposed about the reform of political structures in general.

What would you rather do, tell Sid he smells or tell Principal Brody he smells?That's easy. I would tell Mr Brody.No one is scarier than the bully Sid Malone, and now he's coming to get Freddy. Luckily, Freddy's got a plan. Laser beam eyes. If he stares at a white wall for long enough and wants it bad enough, his eyes will start to shoot laser beams. On second thoughts, he might need a back-up plan!Freddy's friends are in danger too. But what can Freddy do when he's even afraid of his little sister? (Well to be fair, she is totally evil!) He has to find a way to rescue them all from Sid. Only one thing is for sure - it's going to hurt.

Would you rather be a girl who a stupid boy thinks is a boy even though she is actually a girl, or a girl who a stupid boy thinks is a girl and actually is a girl? Freddy knows what he'd rather be - anywhere but in front of Tabby. He's said the wrong thing and now he's not only hurt her feelings, but he might be uninvited to her awesome birthday party. It's going to be in a park with a jumping castle and a mechanical bull. Then Hugo, the new kid at school, tells everyone that Freddy is boring. It's the last straw. Yeah, well you pick your nose! So now Freddy's in trouble with everyone. Freddy will have to do something spectacular to win back his friends. He might be scared of heights, phobic about spiders and have nightmares about being naked in public, but he's not frightened of a mechanical bull. And he's got just the right costumer. What could possibly go wrong?

In this book Jack Brand examines the role of the British Conservative and Labour parliamentary parties in the development of government policy since 1945. Focusing on six major policy fields: agriculture, education, housing, defence, the economy, and Scottish affairs, he argues that the influence of back-benchers has been consistently underestimated, and that the close interdependence of front-and back-benchers frequently produces surprising and significant effects on policy development. Dr. Brand concludes that the common perception of back-benchers as powerless to affect the policies of their leaders is misleading, and that they are essential to the development of government policy.