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Although Mexico began its national life in the 1821 as one of the
most liberal democracies in the world, it ended the century with an
authoritarian regime. Examining this defining process,
distinguished historians focus on the evolution of Mexican
liberalism from the perspectives of politics, the military, the
Church, and the economy. Based on extensive archival research, the
chapters demonstrate that despite widely held assumptions
liberalism was not an alien ideology unsuited to Mexico's
traditional, conservative, and multiethnic society. On the
contrary, liberalism in New Spain arose from Hispanic culture,
which drew upon a shared European tradition reaching back to
ancient Greece. This volume provides the first systematic
exploration of the evolution of Mexican liberal traditions in the
nineteenth century. The chapters assess the changes in liberal
ideology, the nature of federalism, efforts to create stability
with a liberal monarchy in the 1860s, the Church's accommodation to
the new liberal order, the role of the army and of the civil
militias, the liberal tax system, and attempts to modernize the
economy in the latter part of the century. Taken together, these
essays provide a nuanced and comprehensive analysis of the
transformation of liberalism in Mexico. Contributions by: Christon
I. Archer, William H. Beezley, Marcello Carmagnani, Manuel Chust,
Brian Connaughton, Robert H. Duncan, Aldo Flores-Quiroga, Alicia
Hernandez Chavez, Sandra Kuntz Ficker, Andres Resendez, Jaime E.
Rodriguez O., and Jose Antonio Serrano Ortega"
2018 Outstanding Academic Title, selected by Choice Political
Culture in Spanish America, 1500-1830 examines the nature of
Spanish American political culture by reevaluating the political
theory, institutions, and practices of the Hispanic world.
Consisting of eight case studies with a focus on New Spain and
Quito, Jaime E. Rodriguez O. demonstrates that the process of
independence of Spanish America differs from previous claims. In
1188 King Alfonso IX convened the Cortes, the first congress in
Europe that included the three estates: the clergy, the nobility,
and the towns. This heritage, along with events in the sixteenth
century, including the rebellion of Castilla and the Protestant
Reformation, transformed the nature of Hispanic political thought.
Rodriguez O. argues that those developments, rather than the
Enlightenment, were the basis of the Hispanic revolution and the
Constitution of 1812. Emphasizing continuity rather than the
rejection of Hispanic political culture, and including the Atlantic
perspective, Political Culture in Spanish America, 1500-1830
demonstrates the nature of the Hispanic revolution and the process
of independence. Rodriguez O.'s work will encourage historians of
Spanish America to reexamine the political institutions and
processes of those nations from a broad perspective to gain a
deeper understanding of the Spanish American countries that emerged
from the breakup of the composite monarchy.
This book is a radical reinterpretation of the process that led to
Mexican independence in 1821-one that emphasizes Mexico's
continuity with Spanish political culture. During its final decades
under Spanish rule, New Spain was the most populous, richest, and
most developed part of the worldwide Spanish Monarchy, and most
novohispanos (people of New Spain) believed that their religious,
social, economic, and political ties to the Monarchy made union
preferable to separation. Neither the American nor the French
Revolution convinced the novohispanos to sever ties with the
Spanish Monarchy; nor did the Hidalgo Revolt of September 1810 and
subsequent insurgencies cause Mexican independence. It was
Napoleon's invasion of Spain in 1808 that led to the Hispanic
Constitution of 1812. When the government in Spain rejected those
new constituted arrangements, Mexico declared independence. The
Mexican Constitution of 1824 affirms both the new state's
independence and its continuance of Spanish political culture.
For a century, beginning in the 1750s, Europe and the Americas
underwent a series of profound political, economic and social
changes, ushering in the modern era. This work sets out to examine
the experience of Mexico during that ""age of democratic
revolutions"". Among the specific issues examined are: the policies
of Jose de Galvez; political transformations in colonial Sonora and
Yucatan; elite politics during the movement for the independence
and the socio-economic status of early national politicians; the
transition from colonial to independent state; the Constitution of
1824; and the roles of the clergy and the regions in early national
politics. Five out of the thirteen chapters are written in Spanish.
The authors offer a broadly-based picture of the newly-independent
Mexico; plagued by economic stagnation, sectarian politics,
regionalism and foreign threats, but ultimately successful - after
several decades - in consolidating its power.
This book provides a new interpretation of the process of Spanish
American independence (1808-26); one which emphasises political
processes and cultural continuities, instead of the break with
Spain. It is the first book to examine the representative
government and popular elections introduced by the Spanish
Constitution of 1812. Rodriguez argues that independence did not
constitute an anti-colonial movement, as many scholars assert, but
rather formed part of the broader Spanish political revolution. In
America, a struggle over who would govern accompanied this
revolution. Despite significant participation by the masses, the
struggle for independence resulted in the triumph of the criollos,
the New World bourgeoisie. The liberal tradition of constitutional,
representative government that emerged during this period, together
with the achievement of nationhood, constitutes the most
significant heritage of Spanish American independence.
This book provides a new interpretation of the process of Spanish American independence (1808-1826); one that emphasizes political processes and cultural continuities, instead of the break with Spain. It is the first book to examine the representative government and popular elections introduced by the Spanish Constitution of 1812. Rodríguez O. argues that independence did not constitute an anticolonial movement, as many scholars assert, but rather formed part of the broader Spanish political revolution. In America, supporters of the government in Spain struggled with local juntas for control.
"The Forging of the Cosmic Race" challenges the widely held notion
that Mexico's colonial period is the source of many of that
country's ills. The authors contend that New Spain was neither
feudal nor pre-capitalists as some Neo-Marxist authors have argued.
Instead they advance two central themes: that only in New Spain did
a true mestizo society emerge, integrating Indians, Europeans,
Africans, and Asians into a unique cultural mix; and that colonial
Mexico forged a complex, balanced, and integrated economy that
transformed the area into the most important and dynamic part of
the Spanish empire. The revisionist view is based on a careful
examination of all the recent research done on colonial Mexican
history. The study begins with a discussion of the area's rich
pre-Columbian heritage. It traces the merging of two great cultural
traditions - the Meso-american and the European - which occurred as
a consequence of the Spanish conquest. The authors analyze the
evolution of a new mestizo society through an examination of the
colony's institutions, economy, and social organization. The role
of women and of the family receive particular attention because
they were critical to the development of colonial Mexico. The work
concludes with an analysis of the 18th century reforms and the
process of independence which ended the history of the most
successful colony in the Western hemisphere. The role of silver
mining emerges as a major factor of Mexico's great socio-economic
achievement. The rich silver mines served as an engine of economic
growth that stimulated agricultural expansion, pastoral activities,
commerce, and manufacturing. The destruction of the silver mines
during the wars of Independence was perhaps the most important
factor in Mexico's prolonged 19th century economic decline. Without
the great wealth from silver mining, economic recovery proved
extremely difficult in the post-independence period. These reverses
at the end of the colonial epoch are important in understanding why
Mexicans came to view the era as a 'burden' to be overcome rather
than as a formative period upon which to build a new nation.
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