A collection of America's historians, philosophers and theologians examines the role of religion in the founding of the United States. These essays, originally delivered at the Library of Congress, presents scholarship on a topic that still generates considerable controversy. Readers interested in colonial history, religion and politics, and the relationship between church and state should find the book helpful. Contributors include Daniel L. Driesbach, John Witte Jr, Thomas E. Buckley, Mark A. Knoll, Catherine A. Brekus, Michael Novak and James Hutson.

This is an account of the ideas about and public policies relating to the relationship between government and religion from the settlement of Virginia in 1607 to the presidency of Andrew Jackson, 1829--1837. This book describes the impact and the relationship of various events, legislative, and judicial actions, including the English Toleration Act of 1689, the First and Second Great Awakenings, the Constitution of the United States, the Bill of Rights, and Jefferson's Letter to the Danbury Baptists. Four principles were paramount in the American approach to government's relation to religion: the importance of religion to public welfare; the resulting desirability of government support of religion (within the limitations of political culture); liberty of conscience and voluntaryism; the requirement that religion be supported by free will offerings, not taxation. Hutson analyzes and describes the development and interplay of these principles, and considers the relevance of the concept of the separation of church and state during this period.

The Quaker Party's campaign in 1764 to replace Pennsylvania's proprietary government with royal government prefigures, in some ways, the colonies' struggle against George III. This is the key, in James Hutson's analysis, to Pennsylvania politics in the decades before the Revolution. In a lucidly written narrative, he follows the efforts of the Quaker dominated Assembly--outraged by Thomas Penn's inflexible government and representing a society that had matured economically, politically, and socially--to bring about royal government, on Benjamin Franklin's advice, as a less restrictive alternative. Mr. Hutson's interpretation clarifies the major realignment of political parties (Quaker, Presbyterian, and Proprietary) that the movement occasioned, the impact of the frontiersmen (notably the Paxton Boys) on provincial politics, and the role played by important political figures like Franklin. Originally published in 1972. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

This is an account of the ideas about and public policies relating to the relationship between government and religion from the settlement of Virginia in 1607 to the presidency of Andrew Jackson, 1829-37. This book describes the impact and the relationship of various events, legislative, and judicial actions, including the English Toleration Act of 1689, the First and Second Great Awakenings, the Constitution of the United States, the Bill of Rights, and Jefferson's Letter to the Danbury Baptists. Four principles were paramount in the American approach to government's relation to religion: the importance of religion to public welfare; the resulting desirability of government support of religion (within the limitations of political culture); liberty of conscience and voluntaryism; the requirement that religion be supported by free will offerings, not taxation. Hutson analyzes and describes the development and interplay of these principles, and considers the relevance of the concept of the separation of church and state during this period.

The Quaker Party's campaign in 1764 to replace Pennsylvania's proprietary government with royal government prefigures, in some ways, the colonies' struggle against George III. This is the key, in James Hutson's analysis, to Pennsylvania politics in the decades before the Revolution. In a lucidly written narrative, he follows the efforts of the Quaker dominated Assembly--outraged by Thomas Penn's inflexible government and representing a society that had matured economically, politically, and socially--to bring about royal government, on Benjamin Franklin's advice, as a less restrictive alternative. Mr. Hutson's interpretation clarifies the major realignment of political parties (Quaker, Presbyterian, and Proprietary) that the movement occasioned, the impact of the frontiersmen (notably the Paxton Boys) on provincial politics, and the role played by important political figures like Franklin. Originally published in 1972. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

What did the founders of America think about religion? Until now, there has been no reliable and impartial compendium of the founders' own remarks on religious matters that clearly answers the question. This book fills that gap. A lively collection of quotations on everything from the relationship between church and state to the status of women, it is the most comprehensive and trustworthy resource available on this timely topic.

The book calls to the witness stand all the usual suspects--George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Benjamin Franklin, and John Adams--as well as many lesser known but highly influential luminaries, among them Continental Congress President Elias Boudinot, Declaration of Independence signer Charles Carroll, and John Dickinson, "the Pennsylvania Farmer." It also gives voice to two founding "mothers," Abigail Adams and Martha Washington.

The founders quoted here ranged from the piously evangelical to the steadfastly unorthodox. Some were such avid students of theology that they were treated as equals by the leading ministers of their day. Others vacillated in their conviction. James Madison's religious beliefs appeared to weaken as he grew older. Thomas Jefferson, on the other hand, seemed to warm to religion late in life. This compilation lays out the founders' positions on more than seventy topics, including the afterlife, the death of loved ones, divorce, the raising of children, the reliability of biblical texts, and the nature of Islam and Judaism.

Partisans of various stripes have long invoked quotations from the founding fathers to lend credence to their own views on religion and politics. This book, by contrast, is the first of its genre to be grounded in the careful examination of original documents by a professional historian. Conveniently arranged alphabetically by topic, it provides multiple viewpoints and accurate quotations.

Readers of all religious persuasions--or of none--will find this book engrossing.

The figure of John Adams looms large in American foreign relations of the Revolutionary and post-Revolutionary years. James H. Hutson captures this elusive personality of this remarkable figure, highlighting the triumphs and the despairs that Adams experienced as he sought -- at times, he felt, single-handedly -- to establish the new Republic on a solid footing among the nations of the world. Benjamin Franklin, thirty years Adams's senior and already a world-respected figure, was his personal nemesis, seeming always to dog his steps in his diplomatic missions. The diplomacy of the American Revolution as exemplified by John Adams was not radically revolutionary or peculiarly American. Whereas the prevailing progressive interpretation of Revolutionary diplomacy sees it as repudiating the standard European theories and practices, Hutson finds that Adams adhered consistently to a policy that was in fact basically European and conservative. Adams assumed -- as did his contemporaries -- that power was aggressive and that it should be contained in a balance, so his actions while in diplomatic service were generally directed toward this goal. Adams's basic ideas survived his turbulent diplomatic missions with undiminished coherence. For him the value of the protective system of the balance of power -- having been tested in the harsh theater of European diplomacy -- was indisputable and could be applied to domestic political arrangements as well as to international relations.