Much of the Middle East is in a continuing state of visible, often revolutionary, change in almost every field--social, cultural, economic, political. Although time will have greatly modified the conditions here presented, the author emphasizes those aspects which, being the least ephemeral, were likely to remain valid for some years and indicates the areas in which the most change can be expected. Therefore, in evaluating any change that has occurred, the reader will at least be informed of the conditions out of which--or because of which--such an event occurred.In some cases Longrigg passes over important aspects of the Middle Eastern region and its component countries, almost or entirely in silence: among such aspects being those of military resources, prominent personalities, constitutional or legal issues, budgets and balances of trade. And even on matters upon which he has said something fairly specific--topography, races and languages, religions, climates, natural resources and agronomy, industry, communications--there may be too little detailed information to satisfy a reader desirous of a full picture of a given aspect of things in this or that territory. For most of such detail, and not less for an appreciation which may be widely different from the author's, the student can very easily look elsewhere: the literature of these countries is abundant and accessible.Longrigg's attempt has been to offer an objective but informed account of the different nationalities and social forces found in Middle Eastern environments, urban and rural, in terms of the particular circumstances, problems and hopes of the dozen separate and more or less divided states of the region. The non-specialist reader may from all this learn something true and perhaps suggestive, while the expert may find not too much to offend him.

Much of the Middle East is in a continuing state of visible, often revolutionary, change in almost every field--social, cultural, economic, political. Although time will have greatly modified the conditions here presented, the author emphasizes those aspects which, being the least ephemeral, were likely to remain valid for some years and indicates the areas in which the most change can be expected. Therefore, in evaluating any change that has occurred, the reader will at least be informed of the conditions out of which--or because of which--such an event occurred.

In some cases Longrigg passes over important aspects of the Middle Eastern region and its component countries, almost or entirely in silence: among such aspects being those of military resources, prominent personalities, constitutional or legal issues, budgets and balances of trade. And even on matters upon which he has said something fairly specific--topography, races and languages, religions, climates, natural resources and agronomy, industry, communications--there may be too little detailed information to satisfy a reader desirous of a full picture of a given aspect of things in this or that territory. For most of such detail, and not less for an appreciation which may be widely different from the author's, the student can very easily look elsewhere: the literature of these countries is abundant and accessible.

Longrigg's attempt has been to offer an objective but informed account of the different nationalities and social forces found in Middle Eastern environments, urban and rural, in terms of the particular circumstances, problems and hopes of the dozen separate and more or less divided states of the region. The non-specialist reader may from all this learn something true and perhaps suggestive, while the expert may find not too much to offend him.

"Confronting Fascism in Egypt" offers a new reading of the political and intellectual culture of Egypt during the interwar era. Though scholarship has commonly emphasized Arab political and military support of Axis powers, this work reveals that the shapers of Egyptian public opinion were largely unreceptive to fascism, openly rejecting totalitarian ideas and practices, Nazi racism, and Italy's and Germany's expansionist and imperialist agendas. The majority (although not all) of Egyptian voices supported liberal democracy against the fascist challenge, and most Egyptians sought to improve and reform, rather than to replace and destroy, the existing constitutional and parliamentary system.
The authors place Egyptian public discourse in the broader context of the complex public sphere within which debate unfolded--in Egypt's large and vibrant network of daily newspapers, as well as the weekly or monthly opinion journals--emphasizing the open, diverse, and pluralistic nature of the interwar political and cultural arena. In examining Muslim views of fascism at the moment when classical fascism was at its peak, this enlightening book seriously challenges the recent assumption of an inherent Muslim predisposition toward authoritarianism, totalitarianism, and "Islamo-Fascism."

"Confronting Fascism in Egypt" offers a new reading of the political and intellectual culture of Egypt during the interwar era. Though scholarship has commonly emphasized Arab political and military support of Axis powers, this work reveals that the shapers of Egyptian public opinion were largely unreceptive to fascism, openly rejecting totalitarian ideas and practices, Nazi racism, and Italy's and Germany's expansionist and imperialist agendas. The majority (although not all) of Egyptian voices supported liberal democracy against the fascist challenge, and most Egyptians sought to improve and reform, rather than to replace and destroy, the existing constitutional and parliamentary system.
The authors place Egyptian public discourse in the broader context of the complex public sphere within which debate unfolded--in Egypt's large and vibrant network of daily newspapers, as well as the weekly or monthly opinion journals--emphasizing the open, diverse, and pluralistic nature of the interwar political and cultural arena. In examining Muslim views of fascism at the moment when classical fascism was at its peak, this enlightening book seriously challenges the recent assumption of an inherent Muslim predisposition toward authoritarianism, totalitarianism, and "Islamo-Fascism."

Today's discourse on nationalism is engaged by dynamic theoretical models derived from studies in literary criticism, cultural anthropology, socioeconomics, and psychology. This is the first book of its kind to apply this new theoretical framework to the Arab Middle East, with essays by Beth Baron, Fred Halliday, Rashid Khalidi, and Emmanuel Sivan.