How safe is Turkey's liberal democracy? The rise to power in 2002 of the right-leaning Islamic Justice and Development Party ignited fears in the West that Turkey could no longer be relied upon to provide a buffer against the growth of Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle East. Once hailed by the West as a model of secularism and moderation in the Muslim world, Turkey is now seen to be under the influence of the 'creeping Islamisation' of the JDP (or AKP as it is known in Turkey). Yet to what extent has this affected the lives of Turkish citizens? Evangelia Axiarlis here explores the contribution of the JDP to civil liberties and basic freedoms, long suppressed by secular and statist Kemalist ideology, and how this has remained unexamined despite more than a decade in government. In this - the first detailed study of the policies and ideology of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo?an's government - the author examines the extent to which the JDP has worked to improve civil life in Turkey and critically addresses whether a government built on Islamic principles can champion political reform. Exploring how Islam and democracy are neither monoliths nor mutually exclusive, this is a timely contribution to the wider understanding of political Islam.

Despite their small populations, the Arab states of the Gulf exercise an enormous and wide-reaching influence. But all too often, these states are treated as if their only importance were as pawns in a global strategic board game, and they are simply dealt with as mere models of the intersection of oil, wealth and power. Here, Paul Dresch and James Piscatori bring together a more nuanced picture: exploring how the citizen populations of these states define themselves in a wider context. The Gulf provides extreme examples of the nexus of identities, not only because these polities are so dependent on transnational flows of wealth and its imagery, but because at home the citizen workforce is often outnumbered by migrant labour. Examining the issues such as Gulf-owned transnational media, the role of women in the Kuwaiti state and the way Saudi Arabia manages the yearly influx of pilgrims for the Hajj. Monarchies and Nations is essential reading for all those interested in the society, politics and the future security of the Gulf.

Based on a reading of classical Islamic literature, the writings of modem Muslims and on extensive travel and interviews, this book discusses ways in which Muslim peoples adapt themselves to a world composed of sovereign nation-states, having peaceful and equal relations with both non-Muslim states and collectivities of other Muslims. The classical and medieval legal theory of Islam appears to place two obstacles in the way of such adaptations; it divides the world into two areas, Muslim and non-Muslim, between which relations can at best be those of truce; and it demands that the life of societies should be regulated by the will of God as revealed in the Qu'ran, not by the will of rulers or of the people. Dr Piscatori shows that the traditional theory provides for some degree of territorial pluralism, which has been clearly reflected in the historical experience whereby stable nation-states have emerged and become part of the international order.

The Iranian revolution greatly aroused outsiders' curiosity and misunderstanding of Islam. The relatively easy overthrow of the Shah and the pronouncements of the new Iranian regime brought to the forefront an image of 'militant Islam' which has survived in one form or another since the Crusades. At the time, there was the assumption in the West that Islam was inevitably revolutionary, militant, or at least anti-Western and that the Iranian example was likely to be repeated in Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and other countries where Muslims predominated. Originally published in paperback in 1983, this book was designed to examine such assumptions and to analyse the complex roles which Islam plays in the political process of several countries. Although the authors called upon the insights of various disciplines, and chose different approaches, they all shared the conviction that the idea of 'Islamic politics' needed to be made specific if crude stereotypes about Islam were to be avoided.

The Iranian revolution greatly aroused outsiders' curiosity and misunderstanding of Islam. The relatively easy overthrow of the Shah and the pronouncements of the new Iranian regime brought to the forefront an image of 'militant Islam' which has survived in one form or another since the Crusades. At the time, there was the assumption in the West that Islam was inevitably revolutionary, militant, or at least anti-Western and that the Iranian example was likely to be repeated in Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and other countries where Muslims predominated. Originally published in paperback in 1983, this book was designed to examine such assumptions and to analyse the complex roles which Islam plays in the political process of several countries. Although the authors called upon the insights of various disciplines, and chose different approaches, they all shared the conviction that the idea of 'Islamic politics' needed to be made specific if crude stereotypes about Islam were to be avoided.