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The text aims to uncover the roots of the United States' near
perpetual involvement in war since the beginning of WWI in 1914.
Using alliance politics as the main framework of analysis, it
offers a new interpretation that contrasts with the traditional
views that war is an interruption of the American foreign policy
emphasis on diplomacy. Instead, it posits that war has been the
norm during the past century while peaceful interludes were but a
time of respite and preparation for the next conflict. After a
thorough discussion of the concepts of alliance building and the
containment doctrine, the work then addresses such themes as the
alliance networks used to confront German and Japanese powers
during the early 20th century wars, the role of alliances in
containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War, the creation of
alliances to restrict and defeat rogue state powers, and whether
they were useful when dealing with the challenges posed by
terrorism in the post-9/11 world. Each chapter features case
studies, a summary, references, and web links. In addition, the
book utilizes primary sources, such as U.S. Department of Defense
and State documents and presidential statements. An exhaustive
study of containment and alliance, this text will be an essential
resource for anyone studying U.S. foreign policy, international
relations, and national security.
Following the passage of the fifteenth and twentieth anniversaries
of the entry of many former communist states into both NATO and the
EU in 2019, this book takes a comprehensive look at the changed
security conditions of these new member states. How has NATO and EU
membership improved their overall defense protection, and what
elements are still missing for them on an individual state basis?
Lubecki and Peterson provide an invaluable assessment of defence
policies, from the stable East Central European states to the most
jeopardised Baltic states. With chapters on the Cold War defence
conditions during the last two decades of Soviet domination, the
post 1989-91 transformations in the direction of democracy, and the
impact of the 2014 Ukraine-Russia-Crimea crisis, this book is
essential reading for those seeking to understand the changed
landscape of European politics in the twenty-first century. -- .
The purpose of this book is simple. It is to tell the truth about
GOD. Learning the truth about GOD is the result of Mr. Peterson's
discovery of the meaning and purpose of his life. It was discovered
as a direct result of his need to learn it following his daughter's
death in August of 1980. He discovered that the purpose and course
of his life is determined in the same manner as yours. It matters
not who you are or what your particular circumstance is. It doesn't
matter if you have lost a child to death. It doesn't even matter if
you have children. It matters not if you are a murderer or a saint;
gay or straight; male or female; first world citizen or jungle
savage; plant or animal. The purpose for living is the same for all
living things. A rather intriguing claim isn't it? If one has
experienced the death of a child Mr. Peterson's experience is not
different from one's own in any important way. But the story of how
he came about his particular experience probably is. Mr. Peterson
says that his friends comprise a very special society of humans,
they are parents of children who died before they did; it is-not
supposed to happen that way. But because they did lose a child to
death he says they are experts in the field of pain and grieving.
They are not proud of the knowledge they have gained but they
realize they have gained knowledge of what life is and how it
actually operates that can be achieved in no other way. They have
experienced the very worst pain a human-being can experience - and
remain alive. Mr. Peterson uses his unique experience to guide his
readers through a complex series of intellectual challenges with
the ease of a master sculptor.
Political Dreams and Musical Themes in the 1848–1922 Formation of
Czechoslovakia: Interaction of National and Global Forces
characterizes the 1918–22 formation of Czechoslovakia as a
consequence of political and musical expressions. Nationalist
expressions and formations were striking after the 1848 Revolution.
The authors explore how the music of Smetana, Janáček, and
Dvořák inspired people with reminders about the important
achievements of past Bohemian leaders. Under the control of the
Vienna-based Habsburg Empire, Czech leaders also achieved more
political representation in both Habsburg and Bohemian
legislatures, and Slovaks made some national progress in at least
asserting their demands to Budapest and its controlling Magyar
Empire. During the early twentieth century, there was additional
pressure to link up these nationalist movements in both music and
politics with regional “modernist” approaches that were
increasingly popular in other parts of Europe. The outbreak of
World War I in 1914 opened up opportunities, such as joint
participation in the Czechoslovak Legion, for the two key ethnic
groups to forge a Czechoslovak state. Independence took place, with
considerable western support, on October 28, 1918, and the
commemorative concert two days later of compositions by Josef Suk
put the final stamp on a considerable achievement that bore the
hallmarks of globalism as well as nationalism.
Following the passage of the fifteenth and twentieth anniversaries
of the entry of many former communist states into both NATO and the
EU in 2019, this book takes a comprehensive look at the changed
security conditions of these new member states. How has NATO and EU
membership improved their overall defense protection, and what
elements are still missing for them on an individual state basis?
Utilizing alliance politics theory, convergence/divergence theory,
and defense policy theory, Lubecki and Peterson provide an
invaluable assessment of defense policies, from the stable East
Central European states to the most jeopardized Baltic states in
the north of Europe. With chapters on the Cold War defense
conditions during the last two decades of Soviet domination, the
post 1989-91 transformations in the direction of democracy, and the
impact of the 2014 Ukraine-Russia-Crimea crisis, this book is
essential reading for those seeking to understand the changed
landscape of European politics in the twenty-first century. -- .
The authors of this book retell the political and economic history
of East-Central Europe, the post-communist Balkans, and the Baltic
states and speculate about their future from the vantage point of
three competing forces operating in the region: territorial
imperialism, globalization, and nationalism. Exposed to imperial
aspirations, the geographic area from the Baltic Sea to the Black
Sea has in the past 150 years been subject to alternating waves of
globalization and nationalism. The nineteenth century Eastern
European empires were open to forces of economic globalization, but
all collapsed at the end of World War One. Emerging nation-states
embraced the logic of Western-led globalization but were subjugated
by Nazi and Soviet empires, which pursued policies of economic
autarchy. The demise of the Soviet empire marked the revival of
pre-1939 nation-states and the re-entry of forces of liberalism and
globalization into the region, with multiple crises of economic
transition, ethnic militancy, new forms of authoritarianism, and
external security threats. By 2010 negative, nationalist-populist
reactions against crises that globalization brought to Eastern
Europe became the dominant political trend. The analysis involves
the consideration about the very contemporary factors of Brexit and
COVID, as well as Russia’s and China’s influences, and their
effects on Eastern Europe.
"NATO and Terrorism" posits that the post 9/11 war on terrorism has
had a profound effect on NATO's post Cold War structure and
military missions. "NATO and Terrorism" focuses on the decades from
1989 until 2009, during which NATO underwent two major
transformations. The first was the expansion from sixteen to
twenty-six member states. This section traces the evolution of the
new member states from communist enemies to democratic partners,
looking at their differences and similarities, the reactions of
their publics to membership, and their involvement in NATO
activities. The second was the radical shift in the missions of the
alliance and the book analyzes the military operations in Bosnia,
Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq as well as the new issue of the
Missile Shield for Europe. Both sections also look at how inclusion
of more states is predicated on the conclusion that their
geopolitical position makes them a barrier against terrorism
centered further east and how the missions involve the struggle
against several varieties of terrorism.
The 2014 Ukrainian-Crimean crisis has raised serious questions in
the West about Russian motivations and future policy directions.
Now more than ever, it is imperative to explore the defensive
perceptions, reactions, and preparations of neighbouring countries,
the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. Is there a
convergence of their approaches along similar paths, or do their
different cultures and historical experiences prefigure a
divergence of their defense policies? While Slovakia, Hungary and
Czech Republic all seem to have little concern about Russia's
policies in Ukraine, the Polish response has been uniquely strong
and militarized. This book will explore reasons for the different
responses to the crisis. -- .
Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so
many observers in the academic, practitioner and global-citizen
arenas? The answer presented in this textbook is a complex one,
rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy
patterns of the two powers after 1991. The 2014 crisis was provoked
by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the
expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as
well as three of its former republics, the American decision to
invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in
2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science
to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options
for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the
questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive
and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a
regular basis between America and Russia. -- .
The 2014 Ukrainian-Crimean crisis has raised serious questions in
the West about Russian motivations and future policy directions.
Now more than ever, it is imperative to explore the defensive
perceptions, reactions, and preparations of neighbouring countries,
the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. Is there a
convergence of their approaches along similar paths, or do their
different cultures and historical experiences prefigure a
divergence of their defense policies? While Slovakia, Hungary and
Czech Republic all seem to have little concern about Russia's
policies in Ukraine, the Polish response has been uniquely strong
and militarized. This book will explore reasons for the different
responses to the crisis. -- .
Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so
many observers in the academic, practitioner and global-citizen
arenas? The answer presented in this textbook is a complex one,
rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy
patterns of the two powers after 1991. The 2014 crisis was provoked
by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the
expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as
well as three of its former republics, the American decision to
invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in
2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science
to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options
for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the
questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive
and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a
regular basis between America and Russia. -- .
The text aims to uncover the roots of the United States' near
perpetual involvement in war since the beginning of WWI in 1914.
Using alliance politics as the main framework of analysis, it
offers a new interpretation that contrasts with the traditional
views that war is an interruption of the American foreign policy
emphasis on diplomacy. Instead, it posits that war has been the
norm during the past century while peaceful interludes were but a
time of respite and preparation for the next conflict. After a
thorough discussion of the concepts of alliance building and the
containment doctrine, the work then addresses such themes as the
alliance networks used to confront German and Japanese powers
during the early 20th century wars, the role of alliances in
containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War, the creation of
alliances to restrict and defeat rogue state powers, and whether
they were useful when dealing with the challenges posed by
terrorism in the post-9/11 world. Each chapter features case
studies, a summary, references, and web links. In addition, the
book utilizes primary sources, such as U.S. Department of Defense
and State documents and presidential statements. An exhaustive
study of containment and alliance, this text will be an essential
resource for anyone studying U.S. foreign policy, international
relations, and national security.
The path to true human happiness is governed by the laws of nature,
including the nature of man. It took me over 18 years to discover
them; by the time you get to the end of this book you will know the
path I took. This is a report of my journey to discover who I am
and why I am here. I have discovered that the purpose and course of
my life is determined in the same manner as yours. It matters not
who you are or what your particular circumstance is. It doesn't
matter if you have lost a child to death or not. It doesn't even
matter if you have children or not. It matters not if you are a
murderer or a saint; gay or straight; male or female; first world
citizen or jungle savage; plant or animal. The purpose for living
is the same for all living things. This book is the result of my
search for what the true content of The Mind of God is, and how, by
once acquiring the content of The Mind of God, it can be applied to
one's own benefit. By reading this book you will be exposed to the
method of human knowledge acquisition and it will forever change
the content of your mind. It is said that a mind, once expanded by
a new idea, can never return to its original size. Prepare yourself
for a mind-expanding experience.
"NATO and Terrorism" posits that the post 9/11 war on terrorism has
had a profound effect on NATO's post Cold War structure and
military missions. "NATO and Terrorism" focuses on the decades from
1989 until 2009, during which NATO underwent two major
transformations. The first was the expansion from sixteen to
twenty-six member states. This section traces the evolution of the
new member states from communist enemies to democratic partners,
looking at their differences and similarities, the reactions of
their publics to membership, and their involvement in NATO
activities. The second was the radical shift in the missions of the
alliance and the book analyzes the military operations in Bosnia,
Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq as well as the new issue of the
Missile Shield for Europe. Both sections also look at how inclusion
of more states is predicated on the conclusion that their
geopolitical position makes them a barrier against terrorism
centered further east and how the missions involve the struggle
against several varieties of terrorism.
The purpose of this book is simple. It is to tell the truth about
GOD. Learning the truth about GOD is the result of Mr. Peterson's
discovery of the meaning and purpose of his life. It was discovered
as a direct result of his need to learn it following his daughter's
death in August of 1980. He discovered that the purpose and course
of his life is determined in the same manner as yours. It matters
not who you are or what your particular circumstance is. It doesn't
matter if you have lost a child to death. It doesn't even matter if
you have children. It matters not if you are a murderer or a saint;
gay or straight; male or female; first world citizen or jungle
savage; plant or animal. The purpose for living is the same for all
living things. A rather intriguing claim isn't it? If one has
experienced the death of a child Mr. Peterson's experience is not
different from one's own in any important way. But the story of how
he came about his particular experience probably is. Mr. Peterson
says that his friends comprise a very special society of humans,
they are parents of children who died before they did; it is-not
supposed to happen that way. But because they did lose a child to
death he says they are experts in the field of pain and grieving.
They are not proud of the knowledge they have gained but they
realize they have gained knowledge of what life is and how it
actually operates that can be achieved in no other way. They have
experienced the very worst pain a human-being can experience - and
remain alive. Mr. Peterson uses his unique experience to guide his
readers through a complex series of intellectual challenges with
the ease of a master sculptor.
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