Following the passage of the fifteenth and twentieth anniversaries of the entry of many former communist states into both NATO and the EU in 2019, this book takes a comprehensive look at the changed security conditions of these new member states. How has NATO and EU membership improved their overall defense protection, and what elements are still missing for them on an individual state basis? Lubecki and Peterson provide an invaluable assessment of defence policies, from the stable East Central European states to the most jeopardised Baltic states. With chapters on the Cold War defence conditions during the last two decades of Soviet domination, the post 1989-91 transformations in the direction of democracy, and the impact of the 2014 Ukraine-Russia-Crimea crisis, this book is essential reading for those seeking to understand the changed landscape of European politics in the twenty-first century. -- .

The 2014 Ukrainian-Crimean crisis has raised serious questions in the West about Russian motivations and future policy directions. Now more than ever, it is imperative to explore the defensive perceptions, reactions, and preparations of neighbouring countries, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. Is there a convergence of their approaches along similar paths, or do their different cultures and historical experiences prefigure a divergence of their defense policies? While Slovakia, Hungary and Czech Republic all seem to have little concern about Russia's policies in Ukraine, the Polish response has been uniquely strong and militarized. This book will explore reasons for the different responses to the crisis. -- .

The 2014 Ukrainian-Crimean crisis has raised serious questions in the West about Russian motivations and future policy directions. Now more than ever, it is imperative to explore the defensive perceptions, reactions, and preparations of neighbouring countries, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. Is there a convergence of their approaches along similar paths, or do their different cultures and historical experiences prefigure a divergence of their defense policies? While Slovakia, Hungary and Czech Republic all seem to have little concern about Russia's policies in Ukraine, the Polish response has been uniquely strong and militarized. This book will explore reasons for the different responses to the crisis. -- .

Following the passage of the fifteenth and twentieth anniversaries of the entry of many former communist states into both NATO and the EU in 2019, this book takes a comprehensive look at the changed security conditions of these new member states. How has NATO and EU membership improved their overall defense protection, and what elements are still missing for them on an individual state basis? Utilizing alliance politics theory, convergence/divergence theory, and defense policy theory, Lubecki and Peterson provide an invaluable assessment of defense policies, from the stable East Central European states to the most jeopardized Baltic states in the north of Europe. With chapters on the Cold War defense conditions during the last two decades of Soviet domination, the post 1989-91 transformations in the direction of democracy, and the impact of the 2014 Ukraine-Russia-Crimea crisis, this book is essential reading for those seeking to understand the changed landscape of European politics in the twenty-first century. -- .

Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so many observers in the academic, practitioner and global-citizen arenas? The answer presented in this textbook is a complex one, rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy patterns of the two powers after 1991. The 2014 crisis was provoked by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as well as three of its former republics, the American decision to invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in 2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a regular basis between America and Russia. -- .

Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so many observers in the academic, practitioner and global-citizen arenas? The answer presented in this textbook is a complex one, rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy patterns of the two powers after 1991. The 2014 crisis was provoked by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as well as three of its former republics, the American decision to invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in 2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a regular basis between America and Russia. -- .

The text aims to uncover the roots of the United States' near perpetual involvement in war since the beginning of WWI in 1914. Using alliance politics as the main framework of analysis, it offers a new interpretation that contrasts with the traditional views that war is an interruption of the American foreign policy emphasis on diplomacy. Instead, it posits that war has been the norm during the past century while peaceful interludes were but a time of respite and preparation for the next conflict. After a thorough discussion of the concepts of alliance building and the containment doctrine, the work then addresses such themes as the alliance networks used to confront German and Japanese powers during the early 20th century wars, the role of alliances in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War, the creation of alliances to restrict and defeat rogue state powers, and whether they were useful when dealing with the challenges posed by terrorism in the post-9/11 world. Each chapter features case studies, a summary, references, and web links. In addition, the book utilizes primary sources, such as U.S. Department of Defense and State documents and presidential statements. An exhaustive study of containment and alliance, this text will be an essential resource for anyone studying U.S. foreign policy, international relations, and national security.

The text aims to uncover the roots of the United States' near perpetual involvement in war since the beginning of WWI in 1914. Using alliance politics as the main framework of analysis, it offers a new interpretation that contrasts with the traditional views that war is an interruption of the American foreign policy emphasis on diplomacy. Instead, it posits that war has been the norm during the past century while peaceful interludes were but a time of respite and preparation for the next conflict. After a thorough discussion of the concepts of alliance building and the containment doctrine, the work then addresses such themes as the alliance networks used to confront German and Japanese powers during the early 20th century wars, the role of alliances in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War, the creation of alliances to restrict and defeat rogue state powers, and whether they were useful when dealing with the challenges posed by terrorism in the post-9/11 world. Each chapter features case studies, a summary, references, and web links. In addition, the book utilizes primary sources, such as U.S. Department of Defense and State documents and presidential statements. An exhaustive study of containment and alliance, this text will be an essential resource for anyone studying U.S. foreign policy, international relations, and national security.

The path to true human happiness is governed by the laws of nature, including the nature of man. It took me over 18 years to discover them; by the time you get to the end of this book you will know the path I took. This is a report of my journey to discover who I am and why I am here. I have discovered that the purpose and course of my life is determined in the same manner as yours. It matters not who you are or what your particular circumstance is. It doesn't matter if you have lost a child to death or not. It doesn't even matter if you have children or not. It matters not if you are a murderer or a saint; gay or straight; male or female; first world citizen or jungle savage; plant or animal. The purpose for living is the same for all living things. This book is the result of my search for what the true content of The Mind of God is, and how, by once acquiring the content of The Mind of God, it can be applied to one's own benefit. By reading this book you will be exposed to the method of human knowledge acquisition and it will forever change the content of your mind. It is said that a mind, once expanded by a new idea, can never return to its original size. Prepare yourself for a mind-expanding experience.

The purpose of this book is simple. It is to tell the truth about GOD. Learning the truth about GOD is the result of Mr. Peterson's discovery of the meaning and purpose of his life. It was discovered as a direct result of his need to learn it following his daughter's death in August of 1980. He discovered that the purpose and course of his life is determined in the same manner as yours. It matters not who you are or what your particular circumstance is. It doesn't matter if you have lost a child to death. It doesn't even matter if you have children. It matters not if you are a murderer or a saint; gay or straight; male or female; first world citizen or jungle savage; plant or animal. The purpose for living is the same for all living things. A rather intriguing claim isn't it? If one has experienced the death of a child Mr. Peterson's experience is not different from one's own in any important way. But the story of how he came about his particular experience probably is. Mr. Peterson says that his friends comprise a very special society of humans, they are parents of children who died before they did; it is-not supposed to happen that way. But because they did lose a child to death he says they are experts in the field of pain and grieving. They are not proud of the knowledge they have gained but they realize they have gained knowledge of what life is and how it actually operates that can be achieved in no other way. They have experienced the very worst pain a human-being can experience - and remain alive. Mr. Peterson uses his unique experience to guide his readers through a complex series of intellectual challenges with the ease of a master sculptor.

The purpose of this book is simple. It is to tell the truth about GOD. Learning the truth about GOD is the result of Mr. Peterson's discovery of the meaning and purpose of his life. It was discovered as a direct result of his need to learn it following his daughter's death in August of 1980. He discovered that the purpose and course of his life is determined in the same manner as yours. It matters not who you are or what your particular circumstance is. It doesn't matter if you have lost a child to death. It doesn't even matter if you have children. It matters not if you are a murderer or a saint; gay or straight; male or female; first world citizen or jungle savage; plant or animal. The purpose for living is the same for all living things. A rather intriguing claim isn't it? If one has experienced the death of a child Mr. Peterson's experience is not different from one's own in any important way. But the story of how he came about his particular experience probably is. Mr. Peterson says that his friends comprise a very special society of humans, they are parents of children who died before they did; it is-not supposed to happen that way. But because they did lose a child to death he says they are experts in the field of pain and grieving. They are not proud of the knowledge they have gained but they realize they have gained knowledge of what life is and how it actually operates that can be achieved in no other way. They have experienced the very worst pain a human-being can experience - and remain alive. Mr. Peterson uses his unique experience to guide his readers through a complex series of intellectual challenges with the ease of a master sculptor.

"NATO and Terrorism" posits that the post 9/11 war on terrorism has had a profound effect on NATO's post Cold War structure and military missions. "NATO and Terrorism" focuses on the decades from 1989 until 2009, during which NATO underwent two major transformations. The first was the expansion from sixteen to twenty-six member states. This section traces the evolution of the new member states from communist enemies to democratic partners, looking at their differences and similarities, the reactions of their publics to membership, and their involvement in NATO activities. The second was the radical shift in the missions of the alliance and the book analyzes the military operations in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq as well as the new issue of the Missile Shield for Europe. Both sections also look at how inclusion of more states is predicated on the conclusion that their geopolitical position makes them a barrier against terrorism centered further east and how the missions involve the struggle against several varieties of terrorism.

"NATO and Terrorism" posits that the post 9/11 war on terrorism has had a profound effect on NATO's post Cold War structure and military missions. "NATO and Terrorism" focuses on the decades from 1989 until 2009, during which NATO underwent two major transformations. The first was the expansion from sixteen to twenty-six member states. This section traces the evolution of the new member states from communist enemies to democratic partners, looking at their differences and similarities, the reactions of their publics to membership, and their involvement in NATO activities. The second was the radical shift in the missions of the alliance and the book analyzes the military operations in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq as well as the new issue of the Missile Shield for Europe. Both sections also look at how inclusion of more states is predicated on the conclusion that their geopolitical position makes them a barrier against terrorism centered further east and how the missions involve the struggle against several varieties of terrorism.

Political Dreams and Musical Themes in the 1848–1922 Formation of Czechoslovakia: Interaction of National and Global Forces characterizes the 1918–22 formation of Czechoslovakia as a consequence of political and musical expressions. Nationalist expressions and formations were striking after the 1848 Revolution. The authors explore how the music of Smetana, Janá�ek, and Dvořák inspired people with reminders about the important achievements of past Bohemian leaders. Under the control of the Vienna-based Habsburg Empire, Czech leaders also achieved more political representation in both Habsburg and Bohemian legislatures, and Slovaks made some national progress in at least asserting their demands to Budapest and its controlling Magyar Empire. During the early twentieth century, there was additional pressure to link up these nationalist movements in both music and politics with regional “modernist� approaches that were increasingly popular in other parts of Europe. The outbreak of World War I in 1914 opened up opportunities, such as joint participation in the Czechoslovak Legion, for the two key ethnic groups to forge a Czechoslovak state. Independence took place, with considerable western support, on October 28, 1918, and the commemorative concert two days later of compositions by Josef Suk put the final stamp on a considerable achievement that bore the hallmarks of globalism as well as nationalism.

The authors of this book retell the political and economic history of East-Central Europe, the post-communist Balkans, and the Baltic states and speculate about their future from the vantage point of three competing forces operating in the region: territorial imperialism, globalization, and nationalism. Exposed to imperial aspirations, the geographic area from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea has in the past 150 years been subject to alternating waves of globalization and nationalism. The nineteenth century Eastern European empires were open to forces of economic globalization, but all collapsed at the end of World War One. Emerging nation-states embraced the logic of Western-led globalization but were subjugated by Nazi and Soviet empires, which pursued policies of economic autarchy. The demise of the Soviet empire marked the revival of pre-1939 nation-states and the re-entry of forces of liberalism and globalization into the region, with multiple crises of economic transition, ethnic militancy, new forms of authoritarianism, and external security threats. By 2010 negative, nationalist-populist reactions against crises that globalization brought to Eastern Europe became the dominant political trend. The analysis involves the consideration about the very contemporary factors of Brexit and COVID, as well as Russia’s and China’s influences, and their effects on Eastern Europe.