This volume, from the Policy Studies Organization, examines the role of presidential leadership in the development and implementation of civil rights policy in the United States. Covering a broad time period, the work takes a social scientific approach to the understanding of civil rights, utilizing both quantitative and archival research. The editors attempt to place and analyze civil rights in context--as a policy arena representative of broader presidential leadership concerns--and look at the development of civil rights policy since Brown v. Board of Education from the perspectives of (1) the public, (2) government institutions, and (3) particular policy arenas.

Though many analyses of the 2012 presidential election have emerged, none can match this collection's depth, diversity, or ability to critically and soundly argue where American politics will go from this point forward. This volume includes some of the most recognized scholars in the field and innovative younger scholars who provide a fresh perspective on the election. It is a diverse and award winning group, including established and respected names in presidency studies, political psychology, and election forecasting. The contributions address a wide range of subjects, from the accuracy of pre-election forecasts, the effect of the election on relations between Obama and congressional leaders, the effect of race and religion on the outcome, the consequences for the Republican Party, and prospects for leadership in a second term. Rather than a simplistic account of what happened during the campaign, the volume will contribute to our understanding of significant questions about the presidency, voting behavior, political parties, and elections.

For the more than fifty years that Democrats controlled the U.S. House of Representatives, leadership was divided between Massachusetts and Texas. When the Speaker was from Texas (or nearby Oklahoma), the Majority Leader was from the Boston area, and when the Speaker was from Boston, the Majority Leader was from Texas. The Austin-Boston Connection analyzes the importance of the friendships (especially mentor-protege relationships) and enmities within congressional delegations, regional affinities, and the lynchpin practice of appointing the Democratic Whip. ANTHONY M. CHAMPAGNE is a professor at the University of Texas at Dallas. DOUGLAS B. HARRIS is an associate professor at Loyola University in Maryland. JAMES W. RIDDLESPERGER JR. is a professor at Texas Christian University. GARRISON NELSON is a professor at the University of Vermont. All are political scientists.

January 6, 1955. It was on the occasion of President Dwight D. Eisenhower's third annual State of the Union message. The president unexpectedly began his speech by mentioning that it was January 6 and the 72nd birthday of the venerable Speaker of the House, and publicly wishing for Mr. Rayburn many happy returns of the day. Instantly, the crowd that filled the House chamber was on its feet, noisily cheering, whistling, and stamping its feet and clapping its hands in a reverberating approval of the Speaker. Visitors in the galleries could not distinguish Republican from Democrat. - Speaker Jim Wright Prepared on the seventy-fifth anniversary of his election as Speaker of the US House of Representatives, this collection includes valedictory thoughts about Mr. Rayburn by two of the most significant leaders of Fort Worth history-Speaker Jim Wright and Dee J. Kelly-as well as essays by academics about Mr. Rayburn's lasting impact on his district, on major legislation, and on Texas. Taken together, this readable collection offers an assessment of Rayburn that gives readers an understanding of the man who may be the greatest legislator in US history.