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The United States is once again experiencing a major influx of
immigrants. Questions about who should be admitted and what
benefits should be afforded to new members of the polity are among
the most divisive and controversial contemporary political issues.
Using an impressive array of evidence from national surveys, The
Politics of Belonging illuminates patterns of public opinion on
immigration and explains why Americans hold the attitudes they do.
Rather than simply characterizing Americans as either nativist or
nonnativist, this book argues that controversies over immigration
policy are best understood as questions of political membership and
belonging to the nation. The relationships between citizenship,
race, and immigration drive the politics of belonging in the United
States and represent a dynamic central to understanding patterns of
contemporary public opinion on immigration policy. Beginning with a
historical analysis, the book documents why this is the case by
tracing the development of immigration law and the formation of the
American racial hierarchy. Then, through a comparative analysis of
public opinion among white, black, Latino, and Asian Americans, it
identifies and tests the critical moderating role of racial
categorization and group identity on variation in public opinion on
immigration.
Foreign migration to the United State is dramatically altering the
demographic profile of the American electorate. Nearly a third of
all Americans are of non-white and non-European descent. Latinos
and Hispanics have recently eclipsed African Americans as the
largest minority group in the United States. Between 1990 and 2000,
Asians doubled the size of their population to more than 4 percent
of Americans. Though immigration has altered the racial and ethnic
composition of every state in the nation, surprisingly little is
known about the consequences of this new heterogeneity for American
politics. This book explores the impact and political consequences
of immigration. After considering the organizations that mobilize
new citizens to politics, the authors examine the political
psychology of group consciousness for political mobilization.
Finally, they consider the emerging patterns and choices of new
voters.
Foreign migration to the United States is dramatically altering the
demographic profile of the American electorate. Nearly a third of
all Americans are of non-white and non-European descent. Latinos
and Hispanics have recently eclipsed African Americans as the
largest minority group in the United States. Between 1990 and 2000,
Asians doubled the size of their population to more than 4 percent
of Americans. Though immigration has altered the racial and ethnic
composition of every state in the nation, surprisingly little is
known about the consequences of this new heterogeneity for American
politics. This book explores the impact and political consequences
of immigration. After considering the organizations that mobilize
new citizens to politics, the authors examine the political
psychology of group consciousness for political mobilization.
Finally, they consider the emerging patterns and choices of new
voters.
Sound democratic decisions rely on a citizenry with at least a
partial mastery of the rules and workings of democratic government.
American high schools, where students learn the basics of
citizenship, thus ought to play a critical role in the success of
democracy. Yet studies examining the impact of high school
government and civics courses on political knowledge over the past
quarter-century have generally shown that these courses have little
or no effect. In this important book, Richard G. Niemi and Jane
Junn take a fresh look at what America's high school seniors know
about government and politics and how they learn it. The authors
argue convincingly that secondary school civics courses do indeed
enhance students' civic knowledge. This book is based on the most
extensive assessment to date of civic knowledge among American
youth-the 1988 National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP)
Civics Assessment. The authors develop and test a theoretical model
to explain the cognitive process by which students learn about
politics and they conclude by suggesting specific changes in the
style and emphasis of civics teaching.
Asian American women scholars experience shockingly low rates of
tenure and promotion because of the particular ways they are
marginalized by the intersectionalities of race and gender in
academia. Although Asian American studies critics have long since
debunked the model minority myth that constructs Asian Americans as
the ideal academic subject, university administrators still treat
Asian American women in academia as though they will simply show up
and shut up. Consequently, because silent complicity is expected,
power holders will punish and oppress Asian American women severely
when they question or critique the system. However, change is in
the air. Fight the Tower is a continuation of the Fight the Tower
movement, which supports women standing up for their rights to
claim their earned place in academia and to work for positive
change for all within academic institutions. The essays provide
powerful portraits, reflections, and analyses of a population often
rendered invisible by the lies that sustain intersectional
injustices in order to operate an oppressive system.
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