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This book attacks the conventional history of the press as a story
of progress; offers a critical defence and history of public
service broadcasting; provides a myth-busting account of the
internet; a subtle account of the impact of social media and
explores key debates about the role and politics of the media. It
has become a standard book on media and other courses: but it has
also gone beyond an academic audience to reach a wider public.
Hailed as 'a classic of media history and analysis' by the Irish
Times and a book that has 'cracked the canon' by the Times Higher,
it has been translated into five languages. This edition contains
six new chapters. These include the press and the remaking of
Britain, the rise of the neo-liberal Establishment, the moral
decline of journalism, the impact of social media and a history of
attempts to reform the press. It contains new research on the
relationship between programmes, institutions and society. It
places key UK institutions in the wider context of international
affairs and their impact. The book has been updated to take account
of new developments like Brexit and the rise of Jeremy Corbyn and
the shift in authority and legitimacy prompted by social media. It
does this with a clear explanation of how policy can shape media
outcomes.
Savage wars in Bosnia, Rwanda, Liberia, Iraq and many other places
continue to fill our television screens and newspapers with
terrible images of conflict. Despite the optimism about world
peace, brought about by the collapse of super-power hostilities in
the early 1990s, we seem to be encountering more wars, or at least
wars that are more socially traumatic. All too often, the media
suggest that these conflicts are caused by the return of primordial
loyalties and hatreds after the collapse of the Cold War, or that
mass slaughter can be explained by reference to the inherently evil
nature of individuals or groups. This book counters this kind of
nonsense, and asks why such views have gained a currency. It
examines the role of the media in inciting conflicts within
nations, as well as the adverse impacts of news reporting on
international perceptions - and on policy-making. But it also
reveals how valuable informed journalism can be. Above all, it
highlights the dangers of basing analysis on vague assertions about
deep human motivation, or on mythologies of the past and the
present promoted by the protagonists themselves.
This book attacks the conventional history of the press as a story
of progress; offers a critical defence and history of public
service broadcasting; provides a myth-busting account of the
internet; a subtle account of the impact of social media and
explores key debates about the role and politics of the media. It
has become a standard book on media and other courses: but it has
also gone beyond an academic audience to reach a wider public.
Hailed as 'a classic of media history and analysis' by the Irish
Times and a book that has 'cracked the canon' by the Times Higher,
it has been translated into five languages. This edition contains
six new chapters. These include the press and the remaking of
Britain, the rise of the neo-liberal Establishment, the moral
decline of journalism, the impact of social media and a history of
attempts to reform the press. It contains new research on the
relationship between programmes, institutions and society. It
places key UK institutions in the wider context of international
affairs and their impact. The book has been updated to take account
of new developments like Brexit and the rise of Jeremy Corbyn and
the shift in authority and legitimacy prompted by social media. It
does this with a clear explanation of how policy can shape media
outcomes.
This compelling account of a turbulent period in the history of the
BBC opens at a time of national decline under the Labour
governments of Harold Wilson and James Callaghan, and ends during
Margaret Thatcher's iconoclastic Conservative premiership. The
intervening years saw mass unemployment, trade union strikes and
war in Northern Ireland and the Falklands - as well as legendary
BBC programmes such as Live Aid, Fawlty Towers and Dad's Army, The
Singing Detective and Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy, and David
Attenborough's Life on Earth. Comprehensively revised and expanded
for this new edition, Jean Seaton's perceptive study presents an
absorbing analysis of an institution that both reflects Britain and
has helped to define it.
This book proposes a series of reforms that could improve the media
and politics, and the interaction of the two, in Britain.
This book makes an important contribution to public debate in
Britain about the relationship between the media and politics.
Contributors include academics, journalists and political
commentators.
Topical issues covered include regulation, public service
broadcasting, managing the news, and training journalists.
The focus is on Britain, but key commentators from America and
Europe put the British problems into perspective.
Savage wars in Bosnia, Rwanda, Liberia, Iraq and many other places
continue to fill our television screens and newspapers with
terrible images of conflict. Despite the optimism about world
peace, brought about by the collapse of super-power hostilities in
the early 1990s, we seem to be encountering more wars, or at least
wars that are more socially traumatic. All too often, the media
suggest that these conflicts are caused by the return of primordial
loyalties and hatreds after the collapse of the Cold War, or that
mass slaughter can be explained by reference to the inherently evil
nature of individuals or groups. This book counters this kind of
nonsense, and asks why such views have gained a currency. It
examines the role of the media in inciting conflicts within
nations, as well as the adverse impacts of news reporting on
international perceptions - and on policy-making. But it also
reveals how valuable informed journalism can be. Above all, it
highlights the dangers of basing analysis on vague assertions about
deep human motivation, or on mythologies of the past and the
present promoted by the protagonists themselves.
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