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In the last decade, rulers in Gulf regimes have aspired to greater
strategic autonomy and distance from the West. Coined the "Gulf
moment" by local commentators, this regional trend reflects a
redistribution of power in the Arab world. This is the first book
to examine the military dimensions of these shifts. Gulf military
strategy has prioritised the improvement of local armed forces and
the diversification of defence partnerships towards countries such
as Russia, Turkey or China. However, this book shows how this has
led to the militarisation of Gulf societies, the further erosion of
multilateral initiatives - including the Gulf Cooperation Council -
and the Gulf's perilous involvement in the war in Yemen. The book
also highlights enduring reliance on the West. Each chapter covers
a key aspect of defence policy from governance of armed forces,
military education and power projection capabilities to regional
security cooperation and lessons from warfighting experiences.
Close attention is paid to Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates
and Qatar, countries that have enjoyed prominent roles in the
region’s security affairs during the last ten years. The research
is based on extensive fieldwork and interviews with major
decision-makers, officials, and diplomatic and military
representatives. It is also uses recently declassified official
documents to gain rare insight into what Gulf countries intend for
their defence policies.
This book analyses the emergence of the Indian Ocean as security
complex and a strategic space of central importance and also looks
at its prospective future. As well as US-China rivalry, the
India-China rivalry is now the defining factor in the Indian Ocean
- irrespective of the strategic asymmetry. This new situation has
opened a space for middle-powers, old and new, to intervene. The
authors argue that this situation may turn into an additional
source of instability and that the creation of an inclusive and
comprehensive regional security architecture, as well as the
strengthening of regional multilateralism, should be the priority
of all stakeholders in the coming decade.
For over 60 years, Israel's foreign policy establishment has looked
at its regional policy through the lens of a geopolitical concept
named "the periphery doctrine." The idea posited that due to the
fundamental hostility of neighboring Arab countries, Israel ought
to counterbalance this threat by engaging with the "periphery" of
the Arab world through clandestine diplomacy. Based on original
research in the Israeli diplomatic archives and interviews with key
past and present decision-makers, this book shows that this concept
of a periphery was, and remains, a core driver of Israel's foreign
policy. The periphery was borne out of the debates among Zionist
circles concerning the geopolitics of the nascent Israeli State.
The evidence from Israel's contemporary policies shows that these
principles survived the historical relationships with some
countries (Iran, Turkey, Ethiopia) and were emulated in other
cases: Azerbaijan, Greece, South Sudan, and even to a certain
extent in the attempted exchanges by Israel with Gulf Arab
kingdoms. The book enables readers to understand Israel's
pessimistic - or realist, in the traditional sense - philosophy
when it comes to the conduct of foreign policy. The history of the
periphery doctrine sheds light on fundamental issues, such as
Israel's role in the regional security system, its overreliance on
military and intelligence cooperation as tools of diplomacy, and
finally its enduring perception of inextricable isolation. Through
a detailed appraisal of Israel's periphery doctrine from its birth
in the fifties until its contemporary renaissance, this book offers
a new perspective on Israel's foreign policy, and will appeal to
students and scholars of Middle East Politics and History, and
International Relations.
In the last decade, rulers in Gulf regimes have aspired to greater
strategic autonomy and distance from the West. Coined the "Gulf
moment" by local commentators, this regional trend reflects a
redistribution of power in the Arab world. This is the first book
to examine the military dimensions of these shifts. Gulf military
strategy has prioritised the improvement of local armed forces and
the diversification of defence partnerships towards countries such
as Russia, Turkey or China. However, this book shows how this has
led to the militarisation of Gulf societies, the further erosion of
multilateral initiatives - including the Gulf Cooperation Council -
and the Gulf's perilous involvement in the war in Yemen. The book
also highlights enduring reliance on the West. Each chapter covers
a key aspect of defence policy from governance of armed forces,
military education and power projection capabilities to regional
security cooperation and lessons from warfighting experiences.
Close attention is paid to Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates
and Qatar, countries that have enjoyed prominent roles in the
region’s security affairs during the last ten years. The research
is based on extensive fieldwork and interviews with major
decision-makers, officials, and diplomatic and military
representatives. It is also uses recently declassified official
documents to gain rare insight into what Gulf countries intend for
their defence policies.
For over 60 years, Israel's foreign policy establishment has looked
at its regional policy through the lens of a geopolitical concept
named "the periphery doctrine." The idea posited that due to the
fundamental hostility of neighboring Arab countries, Israel ought
to counterbalance this threat by engaging with the "periphery" of
the Arab world through clandestine diplomacy. Based on original
research in the Israeli diplomatic archives and interviews with key
past and present decision-makers, this book shows that this concept
of a periphery was, and remains, a core driver of Israel's foreign
policy. The periphery was borne out of the debates among Zionist
circles concerning the geopolitics of the nascent Israeli State.
The evidence from Israel's contemporary policies shows that these
principles survived the historical relationships with some
countries (Iran, Turkey, Ethiopia) and were emulated in other
cases: Azerbaijan, Greece, South Sudan, and even to a certain
extent in the attempted exchanges by Israel with Gulf Arab
kingdoms. The book enables readers to understand Israel's
pessimistic - or realist, in the traditional sense - philosophy
when it comes to the conduct of foreign policy. The history of the
periphery doctrine sheds light on fundamental issues, such as
Israel's role in the regional security system, its overreliance on
military and intelligence cooperation as tools of diplomacy, and
finally its enduring perception of inextricable isolation. Through
a detailed appraisal of Israel's periphery doctrine from its birth
in the fifties until its contemporary renaissance, this book offers
a new perspective on Israel's foreign policy, and will appeal to
students and scholars of Middle East Politics and History, and
International Relations.
This book analyses the emergence of the Indian Ocean as security
complex and a strategic space of central importance and also looks
at its prospective future. As well as US-China rivalry, the
India-China rivalry is now the defining factor in the Indian Ocean
- irrespective of the strategic asymmetry. This new situation has
opened a space for middle-powers, old and new, to intervene. The
authors argue that this situation may turn into an additional
source of instability and that the creation of an inclusive and
comprehensive regional security architecture, as well as the
strengthening of regional multilateralism, should be the priority
of all stakeholders in the coming decade.
Strategic Hedging in the Arab Peninsula: The Politics of the
Gulf-Asian Rapprochement offers a new perspective on the
geopolitics of Gulf-Asian relations. Jean-Loup Samaan explores the
dynamics underpinning the evolution of strategic partnerships
between the Gulf States and Asian partners. He looks at how Gulf
countries have pursued a diversification strategy in response to
the risk of a potential retreat from the region on the part of
traditional partners such as the US, and argues that, rather than
being the result of a deliberate common policy on the part of the
Gulf States, this trend derives from unilateral choices by Gulf
leaders, best explained by the concept of 'strategic hedging'.
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