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Considered the gold standard on interest group politics, this
widely-used text analyzes interest groups within the intuitive
framework of democratic theory, enabling readers to understand the
workings of interest groups within the larger context of our
political system. Comprehensive coverage includes not only the
traditional farm, labor, and trade associations, but also citizen
groups, public interest organizations, corporations, and public
interest firms Brief in page count yet comprehensive in coverage,
the book is flexible for different class settings. The book's rich
content and lean size allows it to stand alone as the centerpiece
of a course, or be assigned as one of several texts. New to the
Sixth Edition Updates the role of money in interest group activity
following the Citizens United Supreme Court decision. Covers new
interest group actors including the Tea Party, Occupy, and others.
Examines new developments in key interest group arenas including
health care and the environment. Looks at the role of social media
in interest groups. Adds a comparative look at interest group
action, organization, and scholarship abroad.
Considered the gold standard on interest group politics, this
widely-used text analyzes interest groups within the intuitive
framework of democratic theory, enabling readers to understand the
workings of interest groups within the larger context of our
political system. Comprehensive coverage includes not only the
traditional farm, labor, and trade associations, but also citizen
groups, public interest organizations, corporations, and public
interest firms Brief in page count yet comprehensive in coverage,
the book is flexible for different class settings. The book's rich
content and lean size allows it to stand alone as the centerpiece
of a course, or be assigned as one of several texts. New to the
Sixth Edition Updates the role of money in interest group activity
following the Citizens United Supreme Court decision. Covers new
interest group actors including the Tea Party, Occupy, and others.
Examines new developments in key interest group arenas including
health care and the environment. Looks at the role of social media
in interest groups. Adds a comparative look at interest group
action, organization, and scholarship abroad.
In recent years there has been growing recognition of the role
played in American politics by groups such as Common Cause, the
Sierra Club, and Zero Population Growth. This book considers their
work in terms of their origins and development, resources, patterns
of recruitment, decision-making processes, and lobbying tactics.
How do public interest groups select the issues on which they work?
How do they allocate their resources? How do they choose strategies
for influencing the federal government? Professor Berry examines
these questions, focusing in particular on the process by which
organizations make critical decisions. His findings are based on a
survey of eighty-three national organizations with offices in
Washington, D.C. He analyzes in detail the operation of two groups
in which he worked as a participant. Originally published in 1977.
The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand
technology to again make available previously out-of-print books
from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press.
These editions preserve the original texts of these important books
while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions.
The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase
access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of
books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in
1905.
Social movements in the United States are important political
actors because of their scale and duration, their generation of new
ideas and understandings of existing problems, their ability to
mobilize those who were previously passive citizens, and the
impetus they provide for restructuring and broadening the agenda of
American politics. This volume combines chapters by a distinguished
group of social movement scholars, from both sociology and
political science, who use perspectives ranging from political
process theory to rational choice and collective action approaches
to evaluate the functioning of institutions of American government
and the public policies that they produce. A diverse group of
movements and interests are featured: women, public interest,
native America, the environment, the Christian Right, abortion, gay
rights, and homelessness among them.
In recent years there has been growing recognition of the role
played in American politics by groups such as Common Cause, the
Sierra Club, and Zero Population Growth. This book considers their
work in terms of their origins and development, resources, patterns
of recruitment, decision-making processes, and lobbying tactics.
How do public interest groups select the issues on which they work?
How do they allocate their resources? How do they choose strategies
for influencing the federal government? Professor Berry examines
these questions, focusing in particular on the process by which
organizations make critical decisions. His findings are based on a
survey of eighty-three national organizations with offices in
Washington, D.C. He analyzes in detail the operation of two groups
in which he worked as a participant. Originally published in 1977.
The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand
technology to again make available previously out-of-print books
from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press.
These editions preserve the original texts of these important books
while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions.
The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase
access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of
books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in
1905.
The Oxford Handbook of American Political Parties and Interest
Groups is a major new volume that will help scholars assess the
current state of scholarship on parties and interest groups and the
directions in which it needs to move. Never before has the academic
literature on political parties received such an extended
treatment. Twenty nine chapters critically assess both the major
contributions to the literature and the ways in which it has
developed. With contributions from most of the leading scholars in
the field, the volume provides a definitive point of reference for
all those working in and around the area. Equally important, the
authors also identify areas of new and interesting research. These
chapters offer a distinctive point of view, an argument about the
successes and failures of past scholarship, and a set of
recommendations about how future work ought to develop. This volume
will help set the agenda for research on political parties and
interest groups for the next decade. The Oxford Handbooks of
American Politics are a set of reference books offering
authoritative and engaging critical overviews of the state of
scholarship on American politics. Each volume focuses on a
particular aspect of the field. The project is under the General
Editorship of George C. Edwards III, and distinguished specialists
in their respective fields edit each volume. The Handbooks aim not
just to report on the discipline, but also to shape it as scholars
critically assess the scholarship on a topic and propose directions
in which it needs to move. The series is an indispensable reference
for anyone working in American politics. General Editor for The
Oxford Handbooks of American Politics: George C. Edwards III
"If you think liberalism is dead, think again. In this
sure-to-be-controversial book, Jeffrey M. Berry argues that modern
liberalism is not only still alive, it's actually thriving. Today's
new liberalism has evolved from a traditional emphasis on
bread-and-butter economic issues to a form he calls
""postmaterialism""--quality-of-life concerns such as enhancing the
environment, protecting consumers, or promoting civil rights. Berry
credits the new liberalism's success to the rise of liberal citizen
lobbying groups. By analyzing the activities of Congress during
three sessions (1963, 1979, and 1991), he demonstrates the
correlation between the increasing lobbying activities of citizen
groups and a dramatic shift in the American political agenda from
an early 1960s emphasis on economic equality to today's
postmaterialist issues. Although conservative groups also began to
emphasize postmaterial concerns--such as abortion and other family
value issues--Berry finds that liberal citizen groups have been
considerably more effective than conservative ones at getting their
goals onto the congressional agenda and enacted into legislation.
The book provides many examples of citizen group issues that
Congress enacted into law, successes when citizen groups were in
direct conflict with business interests and when demands were made
on behalf of traditionally marginalized constituencies, such as the
women's and civil rights movements. Berry concludes that although
liberal citizen groups make up only a small portion of the
thousands of lobbying organizations in Washington, they have been,
and will continue to be, a major force in shaping the political
landscape. "
In early 2012, conservative radio host Rush Limbaugh claimed that
Sandra Fluke, a Georgetown University law student who advocated for
insurance coverage of contraceptives, "wants to be paid to have
sex." Over the next few days, Limbaugh attacked Fluke personally,
often in crude terms, while a powerful backlash grew, led by
organizations such as the National Organization for Women. But
perhaps what was most notable about the incident was that it wasn't
unusual. From Limbaugh's venomous attacks on Fluke to liberal radio
host Mike Malloy's suggestion that Bill O'Reilly "drink a vat of
poison... and choke to death," over-the-top discourse in today's
political opinion media is pervasive. Anyone who observes the
skyrocketing number of incendiary political opinion shows on
television and radio might conclude that political vitriol on the
airwaves is fueled by the increasingly partisan American political
system. But in The Outrage Industry Jeffrey M. Berry and Sarah
Sobieraj show how the proliferation of outrage-the provocative,
hyperbolic style of commentary delivered by hosts like Ed Schultz,
Bill O'Reilly, and Sean Hannity- says more about regulatory,
technological, and cultural changes, than it does about our
political inclinations. Berry and Sobieraj tackle the mechanics of
outrage rhetoric, exploring its various forms such as mockery,
emotional display, fear mongering, audience flattery, and
conspiracy theories. They then investigate the impact of outrage
rhetoric-which stigmatizes cooperation and brands collaboration and
compromise as weak-on a contemporary political landscape that
features frequent straight-party voting in Congress. Outrage
tactics have also facilitated the growth of the Tea Party, a
movement which appeals to older, white conservatives and has
dragged the GOP farther away from the demographically significant
moderates whose favor it should be courting. Finally, The Outrage
Industry examines how these shows sour our own political lives,
exacerbating anxieties about political talk and collaboration in
our own communities. Drawing from a rich base of evidence, this
book forces all of us to consider the negative consequences that
flow from our increasingly hyper-partisan political media.
In an era when government seems remote and difficult to approach,
participatory democracy may seem a hopelessly romantic notion. Yet
nothing is more crucial to the future of American democracy than to
develop some way of spurring greater citizen participation. In this
important book, Jeffrey Berry, Ken Portney, and Ken Thompson
examine cities that have created systems of neighborhood government
and incorporated citizens in public policymaking. Through careful
research and analysis, the authors find that neighborhood based
participation is the key to revitalizing American democracy. The
Rebirth of Urban Democracy provides a thorough examination of five
cities with strong citizen participation programs--Birmingham,
Dayton, Portland, St. Paul, and San Antonio. In each city, the
authors explore whether neighborhood associations encourage more
people to participate; whether these associations are able to
promote policy responsiveness on the art of local governments; and
whether participation in these associations increases the capacity
of people to take part in government. Finally, the authors outline
the steps that can be taken to increase political participation in
urban America. Berry, Portney, and Thomson show that citizens in
participatory programs are able to get their issues on the public
agenda and develop a stronger sense of community, greater trust in
government officials, and more confidence in the political system.
From a rigorous evaluation of surveys and interviews with thousands
of citizens and policymakers, the authors also find that central
governments in these cities are highly responsive to their
neighborhoods and that less conflict exists among citizens and
policymakers. The authors assert that these programs can provide a
blueprint for major reform in cities across the country. They
outline the components for successful participation programs and
offer recommendations for those who want to get involved. They
demonstrate that participation systems can influence citizens to
become more knowledgeable, more productive, and more confident in
government; and can provide more governments with a mechanism for
being more responsive in setting priorities and formulating polices
that closely approximate the true preferences of the people.
"Nonprofit organizations are playing an increasingly important role
in delivering basic government services. Yet they are discouraged
by federal law from participating in legislative lobbying
efforts-even on issues that affect their clients directly. Without
the involvement of nonprofits in the governmental process, the
vulnerable populations they serve are left without effective
representation in the political system. A Voice for Nonprofits
analyzes the effect of government restrictions on the participation
of nonprofits in the policymaking process and suggests ways to
address the problems. The relationship between nonprofits and the
government is ideal in many respects, according to Jeffrey M. Berry
and David F. Arons. By underwriting operating budgets and
subcontracting the administration of programs to nonprofits,
governments at all levels are able to take advantage of nonprofits'
dedication, imagination, and private fund-raising skills. However,
as nonprofits assume greater responsibility for delivering services
traditionally provided by government, that responsibility is not
matched by a congruous increase in policy influence. Berry and
Arons believe the lobbying restrictions should be eased so that
nonprofits may become more involved in public policymaking. Their
recommendations are designed to ensure that nonprofit
organizations-and the constituencies they serve-are effectively
represented in the American political system. "
Available for individual sale and for packaging with the text, this
study guide contains an overview of each chapter, exercises on
reading tables and graphs, topics for student research, and
multiple-choice questions for practice.
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